SECRET: PREMATURE RUMORS OF ASIF SHAWKAT’S DEMISE

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S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 DAMASCUS 000251 

SIPDIS 

SIPDIS 

PARIS FOR JORDAN; LONDON FOR TSOU 

E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/13/2018
TAGS: PREL PGOV SY IZ
SUBJECT: PREMATURE RUMORS OF ASIF SHAWKAT'S DEMISE 

REF: DAMASCUS 142 

Classified By: CDA Michael Corbin, per 1.4 b,d. 

1.  (S) Summary:  Widespread reports that Syrian Military
Intelligence Chief Asif Shawkat is under house arrest and
that Shawkat's wife (and Bashar Asad's sister) Bushra al-Asad
is trying to flee the country likely reflect Bashar's
successful moves to limit Shawkat's influence.  While our
sources suspect both stories are untrue and blame the
external opposition for stirring the rumor mill to weaken
Bashar, Shawkat's star definitely appears to be on the wane.
End Summary 

-------------------------------
The Rumor Mill Working Overtime
------------------------------- 

2.  (SBU)  Many Embassy contacts point to a report published
by opposition website "Free Syria"  as the original source of
a number of news stories reporting Shawkat's house arrest.
Sources here also contend that former Syrian VP (and now
leader of the expat opposition group National Salvation
Front) Abdel Halim Khaddam has attempted to weaken Bashar by
repeating this rumor during recent anti-SARG interviews on
SkyTV and Lebanese TV station al Moustaqbal in which he
alleged Shawkat's house arrest and predicted Shawkat would
suffer the same fate as now deceased head of Syrian
intelligence operations in Lebanon, Ghazi Kanaan. 

3.  (SBU)  Opposition website "al Haqiqa" published an April
6 story reporting that President Asad would replace Shawkat
with SMI deputy Ali Yunis, a story similar to a "Debka"
website report on Bashar's decision to fire Shawkat.  Saudi
daily "Sharq al Awsaat" reported Shawkat's house arrest;
according to this version, Shawkat overstepped his authority
in negotiating (via the Turks) with the USG about withdrawing
Syria's support for Hizballah in exchange for agreement that
the International Tribunal would not indict senior Syrian
officials.  Another version reported by the French-based
opposition website "Ihraar Suriya" (the Free People of Syria)
alleged that Shawkat had been implicated in the assassination
plot against Hizballah leader Imad Mugniyah and that
Hizballah and Iran were demanding his prosecution. 

4.  (C) Another rumor circulating in diplomatic circles
(perhaps reflecting wishful thinking) is that Bashar has
decided to turn Shawkat over to the International Tribunal
for the murder for former Lebanese PM Rafiq Hariri in
exchange for immunity. 

-----------------------------------
Bushra al-Asad to Flee the Country?
----------------------------------- 

5.  (C)  Different stories regarding Shawkat's arrest also
allege that his wife (and Bashar older sister) has or is
attempting to leave the country and seek political asylum in
possibly France or a Gulf country such as the UAE.  The
Kuwaiti daily "al-Siyasiya," for example,  reported that
Shawkat allegedly told his wife, Busra, to leave Syria with
the couple's children, and she had applied for asylum in
France (later denied by the French government, according to
an April 13 story in "al Hayat.")  According to a few
contacts here, however, Bushra remains in Syria and her
children are still attending school.  A French Embassy
contact told us that Bushra had been to Paris earlier in the
year on a routine shopping excursion but there was no truth
to stories that she had sought political asylum. 

----------------------
Rumors Discounted Here
---------------------- 

6.  (SBU)  In what many are viewing as a SARG response to the
growing wave of rumors, an April 10 Syrian TV evening
newscast showed footage of Shawkat attending a military
academy graduation ceremony. The footage highlighted Shawkat
wearing his military uniform and appearing with Minister of
Defense Hasan Turkumani, who delivered the key note address.
Meanwhile, pro-government Syrian website "Shafaf al-Sham" ran
a story describing Shawkat as the "most powerful man in
Syria" and reporting government plans to appoint Shawkat as
Vice President for National Security Affairs.  (Note:  This
position was a job briefly held by Bashar's paternal uncle
Rifa't al-Asad before being exiled by the late Hafez al
Asad.) 

7.  (S)  Most of our contacts heavily discount reports of
Shawkat's dismissal and house arrest.  Well connected
As-Safir correspondent Ziad Haydar called the reports
"rubbish."   Ihsan Sanker, a longtime Embassy contact who
claims occassional access to Asad family members, reported
April 10 seeing Shawkat at the funeral of a mutual friend a
week earlier.  According to Sanker, mutual acquaintances say
they have seen Shawkat "regularly" over the last month. 

-----------------------------
Shawkat's Star on the Decline?
----------------------------- 

8.  (S) Describing Shawkat as "dejected and withdrawn,"
Sanker said Shawkat was "not even trying to hide" his
unhappiness over his continuing loss of influence.  The
assassination of Hizballah luminary Imad Mugniyeh led to a
series of accusations between SMI and GID, with the outcome
coming out in GID's favor, Sanker reported.  Additionally,
Sanker said he had heard Shawkat's portfolio had been pared
down to military issues, while Bashar's cousin Hafez Makhluf
had all but taken over the national security portfolio.
As-Safir correspondent Haydar reported he had heard the same
thing, saying Bashar had recently further marginalized
Shawkat's national security role. 

9.  (S)  Orient Center Director and MFA Advisor Samir al-Taki
told us recently that Shawkat and  GID chief Ali Mamluk had
exchanged mutual recriminations of blame and negligence in
the wake of the Mugniyeh assassination (reftel).  In an
attempt to discredit GID, Shawkat ordered SMI to question a
number of Syrians with ties to France and the U.S. (including
al-Taki) under possible suspicion of involvement in the
Mugniyeh affair.  In the meantime, al-Taqi added, the GID had
assumed primary responsibility for investigating the Mugniyeh
killing, under the overall direction of Bashar's cousin,
Hafez Makhluf, a prominent GID officer.  Against the backdrop
of these recent events, an ongoing reorganization of security
organizations has made it difficult to determine who was up
and who was down, al-Taqi explained.  Separate reporting and
diplomatic circles point to Mamluk's rise and Shawkat's
relative retreat. But Al-Taqi cast doubt on reports of
Shawkat's removal, saying "we've heard such reports before,"
only to see Shawkat maintain his position as a key insider. 

-------------------------
Shawkat in the Dog House?
------------------------- 

10.  (S)  A UK-Syrian business contact with low level regime
ties told us April 13 that Shawkat's problems with Bashar had
come to head before the Arab League Summit.  According to
this source, SMI arrested a Saudi national suspected of
involvement in the Mugniyeh assassination.  This Saudi died
in SMI custody, complicating Bashar's already strained
relations with the Saudi royal family.  A variant of this
rumor which has appeared in the press was that the deceased
Saudi was a diplomat working in the Saudi Embassy.  Our
contact discounted this rumor because "not even Shawkat would
be stupid enough" to apprehend someone with diplomatic
immunity. 

11.  (S)  Comment:  It seems highly unlikely that Bashar
would arrest Shawkat unless he perceived a direct challenge
to his authority, especially at a time when Syrians are
openly talking about the possibility of war with Israel and
worsening economic conditions that require greater regime
cohesion.  Moreover, we strongly doubt Bashar feels pressured
enough on Lebanon to be preparing to turn over Shawkat to the
Tribunal.  Rather, we believe Bashar's continuing efforts to
erode Shawkat's influence reflect his perception of Shawkat
as a potential threat that must be managed.  Separately, we
assess that Bashar is most comfortable with Bushra here in
Syria under his thumb and that he would not cause her to
flee.  We also believe that unless family matters worsen,
Bushra prefers to reside in Syria, particularly given her
desire to stay close to her elderly mother. 

CORBIN

SECRET: HIZBALLAH’S IMAD MUGNIYAH KILLED BY CAR BOMB

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SIPDIS 

SIPDIS 

E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/12/2018
TAGS: PGOV PTER SY LE
SUBJECT: HIZBALLAH'S IMAD MUGNIYAH KILLED BY CAR BOMB IN
DAMASCUS 

Classified By: CDA Michael Corbin, reasons 1.5 b and d. 

1.  (SBU)  Syria's tightly controlled press remained silent
on reports of Imad Mugniyah's death in a car bomb that
exploded near Syrian Military Intelligence (SMI) headquarters
in the neighborhood of Kafr Sousa at approximately 10:00 pm
local February 12.  According to contacts who were on the
scene, SMI secured and cleared the area and kept other police
services away.  Tow trucks removed several vehicles within 45
minutes after the explosion which jarred surrounding
buildings and could be felt at the American Ambassador's
residence three miles away.  Syrian officials reported the
blast had been the result of a butane gas leak and that one
unidentified person (later two) had been killed. 

2.  (C) Media and other contacts reported mid-morning
February 13 that unknown assailants had launched a car bomb
attack against notorious Hizballah military operative Imad
Mugniyah.  The story broke simultaneously on wire services
and Arab satellite television stations al Jazeera, al
Arabyia, and al Manar.  Western press was also reporting that
the second victim was Hizballah MP al Hajj Hussein, although
Hizballah denied this.  As of COB local, Syrian authorities
had yet to provide any further comment on the incident.  (A
Fox News affiliate told us MFA officials seemed "shocked" by
reports of Mugniyah's death but offered no comment.) 

3.  (C)  The most frequent theory suggested by media and
diplomatic contacts was that Israel conducted the attack to
embarrass Syria on the eve of a previously scheduled visit by
Iranian FM Manuchehr Mottaki.  Going to the other extreme,
others were unwilling to rule out that Hizballah itself had
conducted the assassination to neutralize Mugniyah's
challenge to Hizballah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah.
One contact even suggested that Syria could have undertaken
the operation as a sign of its desire to engage Israel and
the West. 

4.  (S)  Saudi XXXXXXXXXXXX (protect)
told us Mugniyah's presence in Damascus might have been
related to a possible February 13 meeting in Damascus among
Lebanese March 8 MPs with SARG officials.  He also noted that
SMI Director Assaf Shawkat's offices were close to where the
explosion occurred, and Mugniyah could have been going to or
coming from the meeting.  British and Egyptian Embassy
sources suggested Iranian FM Mottaki planned to meet with
Hizballah and March 8 representatives during his February
13-14 visit to Damascus as a counter to March 14's planned
public demonstration to mark the third anniversary of the
February 14 assassination of former Lebanese PM Rafiq Hariri. 

5.  (C)  Comment: This apparent targeted assassination of one
of Hizballah's most notorious operatives coincides with a
busy week of official visits meant to refute suggestions that
Syria's Lebanon policy is resulting in a new period of
Western and Arab diplomatic isolation.  Syria's ongoing
silence regarding the attack is a characteristic regime
response, most recently observed (and still in effect) after
Israel's September 6 air strike near Deir az-Zur.  This
silence likely reflects a deep sense of regime embarrassment
from the acknowledged assassination of a wanted-terrorist
whose presence in Syria it denied for years.  The event also
impacts Syrian-Iranian-Hizballah cooperation on the eve of FM
Mottaki's visit likely meant to bolster Syria's position in
the face of escalating March 14 rhetoric and growing Western
impatience with Syria's Lebanon policy.
CORBIN

SECRET: MAXIMIZING THE IMPACT OF RAMI’S DESIGNATION

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S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 04 DAMASCUS 000070 

SIPDIS 

SIPDIS 

STATE FOR NEA/ELA, EEB/TFS; TREASURY FOR U/S LEVEY; NSC FOR
ABRAMS/SINGH 

E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/31/2018
TAGS: ECON EINV EPET ETTC PGOV PINR KCOR SY
SUBJECT: MAXIMIZING THE IMPACT OF RAMI'S DESIGNATION 

REF: A. DAMASCUS 54
     B. 05 DAMASCUS 2364
     C. 06 DAMASCUS 03 

Classified By: Charge d'Affaires Michael Corbin for reasons 1.4(b,d) 

-------
SUMMARY
------- 

1. (S/NF) As Washington moves towards designating Rami
Makhlouf, Embassy Damascus recommends that the Department's
roll-out strategy focus on linking his corrupt activities to
consequences suffered by the Syrian people (see para 11).  In
some of the largest economic sectors -- electricity,
petroleum, and telecommunications -- Makhlouf has used
government instruments to squeeze out legitimate businessmen,
receive lucrative public contracts, establish cash cows and
then milk them with impunity from oversight or competition.
Significantly, several of his ventures exploit weaknesses in
the Syrian economy and undermine reform efforts while
increasing the burden on Syria's lower classes.  Embassy
contacts report that Makhlouf is anticipating his eventual
designation, and that he has taken steps to lower his profile
and mitigate risk to his personal fortune.  End summary. 

------------------
MAKING THE CASE...
------------------ 

2. (C) In one well-known example, Makhlouf used his regime
ties to muscle-out the local agent for Iberdrola, just before
the Spanish company was awarded a 430 million-euro contract
to build a new power plant.  Having previously obtained
exclusive rights to represent Siemens, Rami profited again
when additional power infrastructure projects were awarded to
the German company.  Currently, both the Iberdrola (Iberinco)
and Siemens projects are behind schedule and over-budget.
Over the same period, the Syrian public suffered from rolling
blackouts and increased electrical bills.  During last
summer's August heatwave, poorer neighborhoods went without
power up to ten hours per day while Prime Minister Utri
blamed Syria's electrical woes on "international pressure"
rather than insufficient SARG investment in infrastructure.
Blackouts have recently returned to Syria and Rami's avarice
(reportedly demanding a USD 30 million "commission" in
Iberdrola's case) is a key contributing factor. 

3. (U) Rami is suspected of delaying the SARG's anticipated
licensing of a third GSM service provider in Syria until he
closes a deal to sell SyriaTel, which reportedly earned USD
692 million in 2007 alone.  Since GSM service was first
introduced in 2000, Syrians have been forced to choose
between two providers, Makhlouf's SyriaTel and Areeba (now
MTN), which was reportedly owned by First Lady Asma
al-Akhras' family.  Syrians widely resent the duopoly's
ability to set prices for the entire country.  With market
forces unable to compete, regime corruption elevated the
price of basic GSM service on which the average Syrian relies
as his primary means of communication. (There are six million
mobile subscribers to roughly three million land-line
connections.) 

4. (C) At a time when Syria's petroleum exports are
contracting and the Syrian people are increasingly suffering
from fuel shortages, Rami's presence in the petroleum sector
is exacerbating the problem.  The French company Total
proposed a venture that would have brought additional Syrian
gas reserves on-line in time to avert recent shortages, but
the deal has inexplicably floundered facing SARG bureaucratic
inaction.  Similarly, a Shell offer to upgrade and increase
capacity of Syrian refineries remains mired in SARG
bureaucracy at a time of acute shortages in refined product.
Interestingly, the only petroleum project currently
proceeding at full-speed in Syria is the Gulfsands (35
percent) "strategic partnership" with the Rami-led Cham
Holding Company (65 percent) to develop the recent oil and
gas discovery in the Khurbet East region (Northeastern
Syria).  According to a Gulfsands' statement, the joint
venture soon expects to bring 10,000 bpd of new oil
production on-line. 

5. (U) In a particularly brazen venture, Makhlouf also seems
intent on profiting from the impact of US sanctions on Syrian
Arab Airlines.  Rami's Cham Holding Company (40 percent) has
joined with Syrian Air (25 percent) and the Kuwaiti company
Al Aqeelah (35 percent) to create the first "private airline"
in Syria, dubbed the Cham Pearl.  The Kuwaiti company's
subsidiary, Aqeeq Aviation Holding, is apparently exploring
ways to circumvent US sanctions and provide commercial
aircraft.  Once operational, Cham Pearl intends to take over
Syrian Air's most profitable routes of three hours or less --
75 percent of Syrian Air's business -- from Damascus to major
regional airports, leaving Syrian Air with the less
profitable long-haul routes. (See "Syria: Opening Skies,"
Oxford Business Group, January 29, 2008) 

6. (U) Makhlouf remains unabashed about employing SARG muscle
when necessary.  In one oft-repeated example on the Damascus
street in 2007, a Syrian businessman purchased a prime piece
of real estate along the Mezzeh autostrade and received a
permit from the city to construct a large apartment building.
 As the project progressed, the SARG security services
informed the building's owner that he could not complete his
project as it would allow future occupants to have direct
line-of-sight to the Damascus airport.  Rami's agents then
visited the distraught owner and offered to buy the
unfinished building for a fraction of the property's actual
value.  Rebuffing Makhlouf's initial offer, the owner sought
recourse in the local courts for weeks to no avail.  In late
2007, Cham Holding announced that it had acquired the
property and would be developing a five-star Marriott hotel
on the site at a cost of USD 70 million. 

7. (C) Note: A hospitality-industry contact told Econoff that
Rami and Nabil Kuzbari (ref A) had traveled to the US and met
with senior Marriott executives in December to present a
potential business proposal and discuss design options for
the site.  According to the contact, the Syrians left the US
believing they had closed the deal and upon returning,
prematurely leaked their success to the local media.  In late
December, Marriott reportedly informed Cham Holding that it
was no longer interested in the proposal due to "political
reasons." End note. 

8. (U) Although difficult to prove, various internet-based
newsletters claim that Makhlouf is the political patron of
many high-ranking public SARG officials, including Minister
of Construction Hamud al-Hussein, Minister of Petroleum
Sufian Allaw, Minister of Electricity Ahmad Khalid al-Ali,
Central Bank Governor Adib Mayaleh and former Minister of
Telecommunications Amro Salem.  As officials with these
portfolios would be in position to wield substantial
influence over industry regulation and lucrative tenders, it
is doubtful that Rami would have enjoyed such uncanny
business successes without government collusion. 

------------------------
DIFFUSING RESPONSIBILITY
------------------------ 

9. (U) Since returning from his brief exile in Dubai (ref B),
Rami has taken several measures to try to both lower his
profile and insulate his personal fortune.  In 2006, Makhlouf
founded the Al Mashrek Fund, a holding company with a
reported capitalization of SYP 4 billion (USD 80 million),
including SYP 1 billion (USD 20 million) in cash deposited
with Banque Bemo Saudi Fransi.  Later that year, Makhlouf and
69 prominent Syrian businessmen formed the Cham Holding
Company with an initial capitalization of USD 200 million,
now estimated to be worth USD 350 million.  Representing
Makhlouf, the Al Mashrek Fund is the majority shareholder in
Cham Holding, which currently has 65 partners and a
ten-member board of directors.  By mid-2007, Cham Holding was
pursuing six "landmark" development projects valued at USD
1.3 billion, primarily in energy, transportation and real
estate.  (See The Syria Report, April 30 and Sept 12, 2007) 

-----------------------------------------
USING CUT-OUTS AND PRIVATE BANKING SECTOR
----------------------------------------- 

10. (S/NF) In addition to his public financial activities,
Makhlouf has undertaken several behind-the-scenes
machinations to mitigate his financial risk.  Possibly
concerned by the vulnerability of UAE banks to US pressure --
or frustrated by Emirati laws limiting foreign investment to
real estate and the stock market -- Rami reportedly brought a
part of his fortune back into Syria in 2006.  According to a
well-informed contact, Rami befriended then-expatriate Syrian
Morthada al-Dandashi in Dubai and hired him to manage many of
Makhlouf's "parallel" financial activities in Syria.  The
contact said that Rami paid Dandashi's USD 2 million "ante"
to become a partner in Cham Holding, and deposited
significant sums under Dandashi's name in the Damascus branch
of the Lebanese Byblos Bank -- where Dandashi subsequently
became a partner.  Syrian-Austrian citizen and Cham Holding
director Nabil Kuzbari is also reported to have deposited
money for Rami in Austrian banks.  Finally, contacts say
Makhlouf has also opened accounts under different names in
Lebanon, Greece, Turkey, and possibly Cyprus -- where Post
has learned that Rami once explored obtaining citizenship. 

-------------------------
SUGGESTED ROLL-OUT THEMES
------------------------- 

11. (U) Post recommends the following themes for public
statements regarding the designation of Rami Makhlouf: 

-- Electricity: Rami Makhlouf used his influence with the
regime to gain lucrative contracts in the power sector.
Yet, as the Syrian people continue to suffer from chronic
power outages and higher electrical bills, Rami has already
been paid for projects that are behind schedule and well
over-budget. 

-- Petroleum: Although several Western petroleum companies
are interested in helping Syria develop its gas and oil
sector, the only new project to be proceeding without SARG
impediment is Rami's.  As a result, Syria has become a net
importer of petroleum products.  In the midst of an unusually
severe winter, severe fuel shortages are forcing the Syrian
public to wait in long lines for, and frequently go without,
heating fuel for their homes. 

-- GSM service: Rami Makhlouf has made millions of dollars
from his ownership of SyriaTel, one of only two GSM service
providers in Syria.  Currently, Rami is said to be blocking
the licensing of a third GSM provider until he completes a
deal to sell SyriaTel.  Until free market forces are allowed
to compete, Makhlouf will continue to subject the Syrian
public to artificially elevated prices for basic
telecommunications services. 

-- Aviation: The Syrian national air carrier, Syrian Arab
Airlines (Syrian Air), has an aging fleet that is in need of
replacement.  Rather than addressing any of Syrian Air's
needs, the Assad regime instead awarded Rami Makhlouf a
license to operate a private airline that intends to assume
the most profitable of Syrian Air's routes. 

-- Tourism/Hospitality: The Syrian people are known for their
hospitality and entrepreneurial expertise.  Unfortunately,
legitimate Syrian businessmen hoping to invest in the
emerging tourism sector have again been muscled-out by Rami
Makhlouf and regime thugs who wish to monopolize every
opening in the Syrian economy for their own profit, rather
than share the country's potential with the hard-working
Syrian people. 

-------
COMMENT
------- 

12. (S/NF) Makhlouf's efforts to divest and diversify suggest
that he is expecting eventual USG action against him,
particularly since the November 2007 designation of his
brother, Hafiz.  Although his countermeasures will likely
mitigate the impact of his designation, we believe that it
will still send a strong signal to the regime and to his
current and potential future business partners.  Corruption
is a theme that resonates here, as every Syrian has been a
victim of it.  Rami has long been Syria's poster-boy for
corruption, so making the charge stick is not difficult.
Citing examples that impact the daily lives of Syrians should
help to amplify the designation's roll-out and ensure that it
receives the widest possible coverage.
HOLMSTROM

SECRET: TREASURY TEAM’S DAMASCUS CONSULTATIONS ON

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S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 02 DAMASCUS 000269 

SIPDIS 

SIPDIS 

NEA/ELA;TREASURY FOR LEBENSON/GLASER/SZUBIN; NSC FOR
MARCHESE 

EO 12958 DECL: 03/06/2017
TAGS EFIN, ECON, ETTC, SY, SANC
SUBJECT: TREASURY TEAM’S DAMASCUS CONSULTATIONS ON
FINANCIAL SANCTIONS

REF: A. DAMASCUS 0108  B. 05 DAMASCUS 6224

Classified By: Charge d’Affaires Michael Corbin, reasons 1.4 b/d

1. (S/NF) Summary: Treasury representatives recently visited Post to discuss options for using financial sanctions to apply pressure to the Syrian regime. We discussed:
-- Treasury’s requirements for finalizing the pending designations of Mohammad Sulayman and Ali Mamluk, and Treasury’s information requirements for a public statement;
-- Treasury’s need to maintain the legal thread between the classified designation packet and the public statement announcing the designation;
-- Post’s support for designating Mohammad Nassif Kheirbek, SARG pointman for its relationship with Iran;
-- How designating regime financiers like Rami and Mohammad Mahlouf could be problematic without a new Executive Order on corruption. End Summary.

2. (S/NF) PENDING DESIGNATIONS: Post understands the designations for Mohammad Sulieman, Syrian Special Presidential Advisor for Arms Procurement and Strategic Weapons and Ali Mamluk, Chief of the Syrian General Intelligence Directorate, are pending due to a lack of unclassified material necessary for Treasury’s public
SIPDIS designation statement. In post’s estimate, Mohammad Sulayman is a relatively low-payoff target. His activities are not widely known, which will make it difficult to obtain unclassified information for a public statement and,
SIPDIS likewise, make it unlikely that his designation would resonate inside Syria. Ali Mamluk, on the other hand, is more well-known within Syria, especially for involvement in his objectionable activities regarding Lebanon, and his suppressing Syrian civil society and the internal opposition.  Therefore, Mamluk’s designation will likely have a larger impact with local and regional audiences if the public statement announcing his designation also discusses his oppression of Syrian society.

3. (S/NF) We understood from our visit with Treasury representatives that although we are limited to designating regime members under the existing Executive Orders, there is some flexibility in Treasury,s public statement announcing the designation. Post has advocated that no matter the legal basis of the designation, any public designation should focus on themes that resonate inside Syria: corruption, suppression of civil society, and denial of basic human rights (ref A). The need to maintain the “legal thread” between the designation packet and the public announcement could be challenging on cases like Mohamad Sulieman whose links to corruption are less clear. In cases like Ali Mamluk, however, the role of the organization he heads in suppressing internal dissent is publicly known in Syria and stating as much in our statement would resonate well here.

4. (S/NF) Post also supports moving forward with the designation packet on Mohammad Nasif Kheirbek, Syrian Deputy Vice-President for Security and lead Syrian liaison to Iran. Keirbek’s designation could play to a SARG vulnerability, in this case, the SARG’s relationship with Iran, which worries the Sunni majority. Designation of regime pillars involved with the SARG’s partnership with Iran could heighten Syrian and regional concerns about the SARG’s willingness to accomodate an expansionary Iranian agenda.

5. (S/NF) REGIEME FINANCIERS: We also discussed the possibility of targeting high-profile inner circle members and regime financiers like Rami Mahklouf (Asad’s first cousin) and Mohammad Makhlouf (Rami’s father) in the next phase of targeted financial sanctions. Based on our consultation with the Treasury representatives, it seemed apparent that without an Executive Order on corruption it would be difficult to compile enough information to designate this group under the current executive orders. The other option for pursuing this group would be to show how these individuals provided financial support to previously designated individuals such as Asif Shawkat. This course of action could prove highly problematic given the regime’s proficiency at obfuscating its financial transactions (ref B).
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6. (S) Comment. Post thanks Treasury for its team’s February 25-27 visit and welcomes any additional feedback that Washington agencies may have on our recommendations covered in ref A. Post continues to believe targeted financial sanctions are a tool appropriate for the Syrian setting but this tool requires further work to fully develop. ROEBUCK