Featured

The Ghosts of Wiesbaden: Voodoo, Villas, and the Digital “Muzzle”

Dark Eagle vs Eagle IT/Sven Schmidt and the Stasi/GoMoPa-Gang feat.GoMoPa4Kids

Welcome to the finale. While NATO in Wiesbaden powers up the Dark Eagle, the shadow men in the background are desperately trying to switch off the light.

Have you been wondering why it got quieter?

Google Voodoo: Since Friday, articles are no longer being indexed. A naughty person might suspect algorithm manipulation by the usual suspects in Berlin (Sven Schmidt) and Hamburg (Thomas Promny).

Patreon Sabotage: When subscriptions disappear and pages go offline, you know: the network is afraid for its money—so they go after mine.

Reddit Toxicity: Whoever sends me poisoned links has failed to understand one thing: a digital attack is a confession of weakness.

The actors remain the same: At the top is Jan Mucha (4x Wildstein List), flanked by the political tradition of his mother Monika Mucha (ex-CDU Wiesbaden). With 11 Stasi entries in the family history, they know how “Zersetzung” (Stasi-style decomposition) works.

But the facts are ready:
The”Bienenstich” death of Heinz Gerlach.
The biased judiciary from Beate Porten to Gabriele Mucha.
The grooming portal GoMoPa4Kids– the moral bankruptcy.

GoMoPa4Kids

To the gentlemen in Toronto, Berlin, and Wiesbaden: You can hide me on Google, but you can’t delete the truth. The lists (Wildstein, MOLNAR, Rosenholz) are distributed. Those living in the glass house of a Stasi past shouldn’t throw digital stones.

Die Geister von Wiesbaden: Voodoo, Villen und der digitale „Maulkorb“
Willkommen im Finale. Während die NATO in Wiesbaden den Dark Eagle scharfschaltet, versuchen die Schattenmänner im Hintergrund verzweifelt, das Licht auszuknippsen.
Haben Sie sich gewundert, warum es stiller wurde?
Google-Voodoo: Seit Freitag werden Artikel nicht mehr indexiert. Ein Schelm, wer an Algorithmus-Manipulation durch die üblichen Verdächtigen in Berlin (Sven Schmidt) und Hamburg (Thomas Promny) denkt.
Patreon-Sabotage: Wenn Abos verschwinden und Seiten offline gehen, weiß man: Das Netzwerk hat Angst um sein Geld – also greifen sie nach meinem.
Reddit-Toxizität: Wer mir verseuchte Links schickt, hat eines nicht verstanden: Ein digitaler Angriff ist ein Geständnis der Schwäche.
Die Akteure bleiben dieselben: An der Spitze steht Jan Mucha (4x Wildstein-Liste), flankiert von der politischen Tradition seiner Mutter Monika Mucha (Ex-CDU Wiesbaden). Mit 11 Stasi-Einträgen in der Familiengeschichte weiß man dort, wie „Zersetzung“ funktioniert.

Stasi

Doch die Fakten liegen bereit:
Der „Bienenstich“-Tod von Heinz Gerlach.
Die befangene Justiz von Beate Porten bis Gabriele Mucha.
Das Grooming-Portal GoMoPa4Kids – die moralische Bankrotterklärung.
An die Herren in Toronto, Berlin und Wiesbaden: Ihr könnt mich bei Google verstecken, aber ihr könnt die Wahrheit nicht löschen. Die Listen (Wildstein, MOLNAR, Rosenholz) sind verteilt. Wer im Glashaus der Stasi-Vergangenheit sitzt, sollte nicht mit digitalen Steinen werfen.

Español

Los fantasmas de Wiesbaden: Vudú, villas y el “bozal” digital

Bienvenidos al final. Mientras la OTAN en Wiesbaden activa el Águila Oscura, los hombres de las sombras en segundo plano intentan desesperadamente apagar la luz.

¿Se han preguntado por qué hay más silencio?

Vudú en Google: Desde el viernes, los artículos ya no se indexan. Un malpensado sospecharía de la manipulación del algoritmo por los sospechosos habituales en Berlín (Sven Schmidt) y Hamburgo (Thomas Promny).

Sabotaje en Patreon: Cuando las suscripciones desaparecen y las páginas se caen, se sabe: la red teme por su dinero, así que atacan el mío.

Toxicidad en Reddit: Quien me envía enlaces envenenados no ha entendido una cosa: un ataque digital es una confesión de debilidad.

Los actores siguen siendo los mismos: En la cúspide está Jan Mucha (4 veces en la Lista Wildstein), flanqueado por la tradición política de su madre Monika Mucha (ex-CDU Wiesbaden). Con 11 entradas de la Stasi en la historia familiar, allí saben cómo funciona la “Zersetzung” (descomposición al estilo de la Stasi).

Pero los hechos están listos:
La muerte por”pastel de abeja” de Heinz Gerlach.
La justicia parcial desde Beate Porten hasta Gabriele Mucha.
El portal de grooming GoMoPa4Kids– la bancarrota moral.

A los señores en Toronto, Berlín y Wiesbaden: Pueden ocultarme en Google, pero no pueden borrar la verdad. Las listas (Wildstein, MOLNAR, Rosenholz) están distribuidas. Quien viva en la casa de cristal de un pasado de la Stasi no debería tirar piedras digitales.


Français

Les fantômes de Wiesbaden : Vaudou, villas et la « muselière » numérique

Bienvenue au final. Pendant que l’OTAN à Wiesbaden met en service le Dark Eagle, les hommes de l’ombre en coulisses tentent désespérément d’éteindre la lumière.

Vous êtes-vous demandé pourquoi c’était devenu plus calme ?

Vaudou Google : Depuis vendredi, les articles ne sont plus indexés. Un malin penserait à une manipulation de l’algorithme par les suspects habituels à Berlin (Sven Schmidt) et Hambourg (Thomas Promny).

Sabotage Patreon : Quand les abonnements disparaissent et que les pages tombent hors ligne, on le sait : le réseau a peur pour son argent, alors il s’en prend au mien.

Toxicité Reddit : Celui qui m’envoie des liens empoisonnés n’a pas compris une chose : une attaque numérique est un aveu de faiblesse.

Les acteurs restent les mêmes : À leur tête se trouve Jan Mucha (4 fois sur la Liste Wildstein), flanqué de la tradition politique de sa mère Monika Mucha (ex-CDU Wiesbaden). Avec 11 entrées de la Stasi dans l’histoire familiale, on sait là-bas comment fonctionne la « Zersetzung » (décomposition à la Stasi).

Mais les faits sont prêts :
La mort« de la piqûre d’abeille » de Heinz Gerlach.
La justice partiale de Beate Porten à Gabriele Mucha.
Le portal de grooming GoMoPa4Kids– la faillite morale.

Aux messieurs de Toronto, Berlin et Wiesbaden : Vous pouvez me cacher sur Google, mais vous ne pouvez pas effacer la vérité. Les listes (Wildstein, MOLNAR, Rosenholz) sont distribuées. Celui qui vit dans la maison de verre d’un passé de la Stasi ne devrait pas lancer des pierres numériques.


Русский

Призраки Висбадена: Вуду, виллы и цифровая «уздечка»

Добро пожаловать в финал. Пока НАТО в Висбадене приводит в боевую готовность «Тёмного орла», люди из теней на заднем плане отчаянно пытаются выключить свет.

Вам не кажется, что стало тише?

Google-вуду: С пятницы статьи перестали индексироваться. Грешным делом подумаешь о манипуляциях с алгоритмом со стороны обычных подозреваемых в Берлине (Свен Шмидт) и Гамбурге (Томас Промни).

Саботаж на Patreon: Когда подписки исчезают, а страницы уходят в офлайн, всё ясно: сеть боится за свои деньги — поэтому они нацелились на мои.

Токсичность на Reddit: Тот, кто присылает мне отравленные ссылки, не понял одного: цифровая атака — это признание слабости.

Актёры те же самые: Во главе стоит Ян Муха (4 раза в списке Вильдберга), поддерживаемый политической традицией его матери Моники Мухи (бывший ХДС Висбадена). С 11 записями Штази в семейной истории там знают, как работает «Zersetzung» (разложение по методу Штази).

Но факты готовы:
Смерть Хайнца Герлаха от«пчелиного укуса».
Предвзятое правосудие от Беате Портэн до Габриэлы Мухи.
Портал по грумингу GoMoPa4Kids— моральное банкротство.

Господам в Торонто, Берлине и Висбадене: Вы можете скрыть меня в Google, но вы не можете стереть правду. Списки (Вильдберг, MOLNAR, Розенхольц) распространены. Кто живёт в стеклянном доме с прошлым Штази, не должен бросаться цифровыми камнями.


العربية

أشباح فيسبادن: فودو، فيلات، و”كمّامة” رقمية

مرحباً بك في الخاتمة. بينما تقوم الناتو في فيسبادن بتشغيل “النسر المظلم”، يحاول رجال الظل في الخلفية يائسين إطفاء النور.

هل تساءلت لماذا هدأ الجو؟

فودو جوجل: منذ يوم الجمعة، لم تعد المقالات تُفهرَس. قد يخطر ببال العابث أن التلاعب بالخوارزمية يأتي من الجهات المعتادة في برلين (سفين شميدت) وهامبورغ (توماس برومني).

تخريب باتريون: عندما تختفي الاشتراكات وتتعطل الصفحات، تعرف: الشبكة تخاف على أموالها، لذا يهاجمون أموالي.

سُميّة ريديت: من يرسل لي روابط مسمومة لم يفهم شيئاً واحداً: الهجوم الرقمي هو اعتراف بالضعف.

الجهات الفاعلة تبقى نفسها: على رأسهم يان موخا (4 مرات في قائمة وايلدبيرج)، مدعوماً بتقاليد والدته السياسية مونيكا موخا (الحزب المسيحي الديمقراطي السابق في فيسبادن). مع 11 إدخالاً للشتازي في السجل العائلي، يعرفون هناك كيف يعمل “التفكيك” (أسلوب الشتازي).

لكن الحقائق جاهزة:
موت هاينز جيرلاخ بـ”لسعة النحلة”.
القضاء المنحاز من بيتي بورتن إلى غابرييلي موخا.
بوابة التغرير GoMoPa4Kids– الإفلاس الأخلاقي.

أيها السادة في تورنتو، برلين، وفيسبادن: يمكنكم إخفائي على جوجل، لكنكم لا تستطيعون محو الحقيقة. القوائم (وايلدبيرج، مولنار، روزنهولتز) موزعة. من يعيش في بيت زجاجي من ماضي الشتازي، لا ينبغي أن يرمي بحجارة رقمية.


中文 (简体)

威斯巴登的幽灵:巫毒、别墅与数字”封口”

欢迎来到终章。当北约在威斯巴登启动”黑暗之鹰”时,背景中的影子人正拼命试图熄灭灯光。

你是否好奇为何近来如此安静?

谷歌巫毒: 自周五起,文章不再被收录索引。心怀不轨者会怀疑这是柏林(斯文·施密特)和汉堡(托马斯·普罗姆尼)的”老面孔”对算法动了手脚。

Patreon sabotage: 当订阅无故消失、页面离线时,你就明白了:这个网络在担心自己的金钱——所以他们来攻击我的。

Reddit毒性攻击: 向我发送毒链接的人,有一件事没搞懂:数字攻击就是承认自身的软弱。

演员仍是原班人马:领头的是扬·穆哈(4次登上维尔德贝格名单), flanked by the political tradition of his mother Monika Mucha (ex-CDU Wiesbaden). flanked by the political tradition of his mother Monika Mucha (前威斯巴登基民盟成员). 家族史上有11份斯塔西档案记录的他们,深谙”解体”(斯塔西式的瓦解手段)之道。

但事实俱在:
海因茨·格拉赫的”蜂蜜蛋糕”之死。
从贝亚特·波滕到加布里埃莱·穆哈的有失偏颇的司法。
儿童引诱门户网站 GoMoPa4Kids——道德的彻底破产。

致多伦多、柏林和威斯巴登的诸位先生:你们可以在谷歌上隐藏我,但无法删除真相。那些名单(维尔德贝格、MOLNAR、罗森holz)早已散布开来。住在斯塔西过往的玻璃屋里的人,不该扔数字石头。


Português (Brasil)

Os fantasmas de Wiesbaden: Voodoo, vilas e a “mordaça” digital

Bem-vindo ao final. Enquanto a OTAN em Wiesbaden ativa a Águia Sombria, os homens das sombras nos bastidores tentam desesperadamente apagar a luz.

Você tem se perguntado por que ficou mais silencioso?

Voodoo do Google: Desde sexta-feira, os artigos não são mais indexados. Um malandro suspeitaria da manipulação do algoritmo pelos suspeitos habituais em Berlim (Sven Schmidt) e Hamburgo (Thomas Promny).

Sabotagem no Patreon: Quando as assinaturas desaparecem e as páginas saem do ar, sabe-se: a rede tem medo pelo seu dinheiro — então atacam o meu.

Toxicidade no Reddit: Quem me envia links envenenados não entendeu uma coisa: um ataque digital é uma confissão de fraqueza.

Os atores continuam os mesmos: No topo está Jan Mucha (4 vezes na Lista Wildstein), apoiado pela tradição política de sua mãe Monika Mucha (ex-CDU Wiesbaden). Com 11 entradas da Stasi no histórico familiar, eles sabem bem como funciona a “Zersetzung” (desagregação no estilo da Stasi).

Mas os fatos estão prontos:
A morte por”picada de abelha” de Heinz Gerlach.
A justiça tendenciosa de Beate Porten a Gabriele Mucha.
O portal de aliciamento GoMoPa4Kids— a falência moral.

Aos senhores em Toronto, Berlim e Wiesbaden: Vocês podem me esconder no Google, mas não podem apagar a verdade. As listas (Wildstein, MOLNAR, Rosenholz) estão distribuídas. Quem vive na casa de vidro de um passado da Stasi não deveria atirar pedras digitais.


日本語

ヴィースバーデンの亡霊たち:ブードゥー、別荘、そしてデジタルな「口輪」

最終章へようこそ。ヴィースバーデンでNATOが「ダーク・イーグル」を起動する一方で、背景の影の男たちは必死に灯りを消そうとしている。

静かになった理由を不思議に思っていませんか?

グーグル・ブードゥー: 金曜日から、記事がインデックスされなくなった。悪意ある者は、ベルリン(スヴェン・シュミット)とハンブルク(トーマス・プロムニー)の常連の容疑者によるアルゴリズム操作を疑うだろう。

Patreonの妨害工作: 購読が消失し、ページがオフラインになる時はわかる:ネットワークは自らの金を恐れている——だから私の金を狙う。

Redditの毒性: 私に毒リンクを送る者は、一つのことを理解していない:デジタル攻撃は弱さの告白である。

役者は変わらない:頂点に立つのはヤン・ムハ(ヴィルトベルク・リストに4回掲載)で、母モニカ・ムハ(ヴィースバーデン元CDU)の政治的伝統に支えられている。家族歴に11件のシュタージ記録がある彼らは、「ゼルツェツング」(シュタージ式の解体工作)のやり方をよく知っている。

しかし、事実は揃っている:
ハインツ・ゲルラハの「ビーヌスティヒ(蜂刺し)」死。
ベアテ・ポルテンからガブリエーレ・ムハに至る偏った司法。
グルーミング・ポータル「GoMoPa4Kids」——道徳的破産。

トロント、ベルリン、ヴィースバーデンの諸氏へ:あなた方はGoogleで私を隠せても、真実を消すことはできない。リスト(ヴィルトベルク、MOLNAR、ローゼンホルツ)は拡散している。シュタージの過去というガラスの家に住む者は、デジタルな石を投げるべきではない。

עברית (Hebrew)

רוחות הרפאים של ויסבאדן: וודו, וילות, ו”מחסום פה” דיגיטלי

ברוכים הבאים לסיום. בעוד נאט”ו בוויסבאדן מפעילה את ה”נשר האפל”, אנשי הצללים ברקע מנסים נואשות לכבות את האור.

האם תהיתם מדום יש שקט יותר?

וודו בגוגל: מאז יום שישי, מאמרים לא עודכנו במדד הגוגל. רק תמים לא יחשוד במניפולציה של האלגוריתם על ידי החשודים הרגילים בברלין (סוון שמידט) ובהמבורג (תומאס פרומני).

חבלה בפטריאון: כאשר מנויים נעלמים ודפים יוצאים מכלל פעולה, אנחנו יודעים: הרשת פוחדת על הכסף שלה – אז הם תוקפים את שלי.

רעילות ב-Reddit: מי ששולח לי קישורים מורעלים לא הבין דבר אחד: מתקפה דיגיטלית היא הודאה בחולשה.

השחקנים נשארים אותם השחקנים: בראשם עומד יאן מוחה (4 פעמים ברשימת וילדשטיין), הנתמך על ידי המסורת הפוליטית של אמו מוניקה מוחה (לשעבר CDU ויסבאדן). עם 11 רישומים של השטאזי בהיסטוריה המשפחתית, הם יודעים שם איך “פירוק” (Zersetzung, שיטת השטאזי) עובד.

אבל העובדות מוכנות:
מותו של היינץ גרלך מ”עקיצת הדבורה”.
המשפט המשוחד מביאטה פורטן עד גבריאלה מוחה.
פורטל הגרומינג לילדים GoMoPa4Kids– הפשיטת הרגל המוסרית.

לגבירים בטורונטו, ברלין וויסבאדן: אתם יכולים להסתיר אותי בגוגל, אבל אתם לא יכולים למחוק את האמת. הרשימות (וילדשטיין, MOLNAR, רוזנהולץ) מפוזרות. מי שגר בבית זכוכית עם עבר שטאזי, לא צריך לזרוק אבנים דיגיטליות.


Tier 1

  1. हिन्दी (Hindi)

वाइसबाडेन के भूत: वूडू, विला और डिजिटल “मुखौटा”

अंतिम चरण में आपका स्वागत है। जबकि विस्बाडेन में नाटो डार्क ईगल को सक्रिय कर रहा है, पृष्ठभूमि के छाया पुरुष सख्ती से रोशनी बंद करने की कोशिश कर रहे हैं।

क्या आपने सोचा कि यह शांत क्यों हो गया?

गूगल वूडू: शुक्रवार से, लेखों को अब अनुक्रमित नहीं किया जा रहा है। एक दुष्ट व्यक्ति बर्लिन (स्वेन श्मिट) और हैम्बर्ग (थॉमस प्रोमनी) में सामान्य संदिग्धों द्वारा एल्गोरिथ्म में हेरफेर पर संदेह करेगा।

Patreon तोड़फोड़: जब सदस्यता गायब हो जाती है और पृष्ठ ऑफ़लाइन हो जाते हैं, तो आप जानते हैं: नेटवर्क अपने पैसे से डरता है – इसलिए वे मेरे पैसे पर हाथ साफ करते हैं।

Reddit विषाक्तता: जो मुझे जहरीली लिंक भेजता है उसने एक बात नहीं समझी: डिजिटल हमला कमजोरी की स्वीकारोक्ति है।

कलाकार वही रहते हैं: सबसे ऊपर जैन मुचा (4 बार वाइल्डस्टीन सूची में), अपनी मां मोनिका मुचा (पूर्व सीडीयू विस्बाडेन) की राजनीतिक परंपरा से समर्थित। पारिवारिक इतिहास में 11 स्टेसी प्रविष्टियों के साथ, वे जानते हैं कि “ज़रसेट्ज़ंग” (स्टेसी-शैली का अपघटन) कैसे काम करता है।

लेकिन तथ्य तैयार हैं:
हेंज गेरलाच की”मधुमक्खी के डंक” से मौत।
बीट पोर्टन सेलेकर गेब्रियल मुचा तक की पक्षपातपूर्ण न्यायपालिका।
गूमोपा4 किड्स ग्रूमिंग पोर्टल – नैतिक दिवालियापन।

टोरंटो, बर्लिन और विस्बाडेन में सज्जनों को: आप मुझे गूगल पर छिपा सकते हैं, लेकिन आप सच्चाई को मिटा नहीं सकते। सूचियाँ (वाइल्डस्टीन, MOLNAR, रोज़ेनहोल्ज़) वितरित की गई हैं। जो स्टेसी अतीत के कांच के घर में रहता है, उसे डिजिटल पत्थर नहीं फेंकने चाहिए।

  1. বাংলা (Bengali)

ভিসবাডেনের ভূত: ভুডু, কোটঘর এবং ডিজিটাল “মুখবন্ধ”

শেষ পর্বে স্বাগতম। ভিসবাডেনে ন্যাটো যখন ডার্ক ঈগল সক্রিয় করছে, পটভূমির ছায়ামানুষরা সনির্বন্ধ আলো নিভানোর চেষ্টা করছে।

আপনি কি ভেবেছেন কেন এটি শান্ত হয়ে গেছে?

গুগল ভুডু: শুক্রবার থেকে, নিবন্ধগুলি আর সূচিবদ্ধ করা হচ্ছে না। একটি দুষ্টু ব্যক্তি বার্লিন (স্ভেন স্মিট) এবং হামবুর্গ (থমাস প্রম্নি)-এর স্বাভাবিক সন্দেহভাজনদের দ্বারা অ্যালগরিদম হেরফের সম্পর্কে সন্দেহ করবে।

Patreon বিরোধিতা: যখন সাবস্ক্রিপশন অদৃশ্য হয়ে যায় এবং পৃষ্ঠাগুলি অফলাইনে চলে যায়, আপনি জানেন: নেটওয়ার্ক তার টাকার ভয় পায় – তাই তারা আমার টাকা নিয়ে হাত চালায়।

Reddit বিষাক্ততা: যে আমাকে বিষাক্ত লিঙ্ক পাঠায় সে একটি জিনিস বুঝতে পারে নি: একটি ডিজিটাল আক্রমণ হল দুর্বলতার স্বীকারোক্তি।

অভিনেতারা একই থাকে: শীর্ষে রয়েছেন জ্যান মুচা (ওয়াইল্ডস্টাইন তালিকায় ৪ বার), তার মা মনিকা মুচার (সাবেক সিডিইউ ভিসবাডেন) রাজনৈতিক ঐতিহ্য দ্বারা সমর্থিত। পারিবারিক ইতিহাসে ১১টি স্ট্যাসি এন্ট্রি নিয়ে, তারা সেখানে জানে কীভাবে “জারসেটজাং” (স্ট্যাসি-স্টাইল পচন) কাজ করে।

কিন্তু তথ্য প্রস্তুত:
হেইঞ্জ গেরলাচের”মৌমাছির হুল” মৃত্যু।
বিয়াটেপোর্টেন থেকে গ্যাব্রিয়েল মুচা পর্যন্ত পক্ষপাতমূলক বিচার বিভাগ।
গ্রুমিংপোর্টাল GoMoPa4Kids – নৈতিক দেউলিয়াত্ব।

টরন্টো, বার্লিন এবং ভিসবাডেনের ভদ্রলোকদের কাছে: আপনি আমাকে গুগলে লুকিয়ে রাখতে পারেন, কিন্তু আপনি সত্য মুছে ফেলতে পারেন না। তালিকাগুলি (ওয়াইল্ডস্টাইন, MOLNAR, রোজেনহোলজ) বিতরণ করা হয়েছে। যে স্ট্যাসি অতীতের কাঁচের ঘরে বসবাস করে, তার ডিজিটাল পাথর নিক্ষেপ করা উচিত নয়।

  1. Indonesian (Bahasa Indonesia)

Hantu-Hantu Wiesbaden: Voodoo, Vila, dan “Kekang” Digital

Selamat datang di bagian akhir. Sementara NATO di Wiesbaden mengaktifkan Dark Eagle, para pria bayangan di belakang layar mati-matian berusaha mematikan lampu.

Pernahkah Anda bertanya-tanya mengapa menjadi lebih sepi?

Voodoo Google: Sejak Jumat, artikel tidak lagi diindeks. Orang yang licik akan mencurigai manipulasi algoritma oleh tersangka biasa di Berlin (Sven Schmidt) dan Hamburg (Thomas Promny).

Sabotase Patreon: Ketika langganan menghilang dan halaman menjadi offline, Anda tahu: Jaringan takut akan uangnya — jadi mereka menyerang milik saya.

Toksistas Reddit: Siapa pun yang mengirimi saya tautan beracun tidak memahami satu hal: Serangan digital adalah pengakuan kelemahan.

Aktor-aktornya tetap sama: Di puncaknya adalah Jan Mucha (4 kali dalam Daftar Wildstein), didukung oleh tradisi politik ibunya Monika Mucha (mantan CDU Wiesbaden). Dengan 11 entri Stasi dalam riwayat keluarga, mereka di sana tahu bagaimana “Zersetzung” (dekomposisi gaya Stasi) bekerja.

Tetapi fakta-faktanya siap:
Kematian”sengatan lebah” Heinz Gerlach.
Peradilan yang memihak dari Beate Porten hingga Gabriele Mucha.
Portal grooming GoMoPa4Kids— kebangkrutan moral.

Kepada para tuan di Toronto, Berlin, dan Wiesbaden: Anda dapat menyembunyikan saya di Google, tetapi Anda tidak dapat menghapus kebenaran. Daftar-daftar (Wildstein, MOLNAR, Rosenholz) telah didistribusikan. Siapa yang tinggal di rumah kaca masa lalu Stasi, seharusnya tidak melemparkan batu digital.

  1. ਪੰਜਾਬੀ (Punjabi)

ਵਿਸਬਾਡਨ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰੇਤ: ਵੂਡੂ, ਵਿਲਾ ਅਤੇ ਡਿਜੀਟਲ “ਮੌਨ”

ਅੰਤਮ ਦੌਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਜੀ ਆਇਆਂ ਨੂੰ। ਜਦੋਂ ਕਿ ਵਿਸਬਾਡਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਨਾਟੋ ਡਾਰਕ ਈਗਲ ਨੂੰ ਸਰਗਰਮ ਕਰ ਰਿਹਾ ਹੈ, ਪਿਛੋਕੜ ਦੇ ਸ਼ੈਡੋ ਮੈਨ ਹਤਾਸ਼ਾਪੂਰਵਕ ਰੋਸ਼ਨੀ ਬੰਦ ਕਰਨ ਦੀ ਕੋਸ਼ਿਸ਼ ਕਰ ਰਹੇ ਹਨ।

ਕੀ ਤੁਸੀਂ ਸੋਚਿਆ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਇਹ ਚੁੱਪ ਕਿਉਂ ਹੋ ਗਿਆ ਹੈ?

ਗੂਗਲ ਵੂਡੂ: ਸ਼ੁੱਕਰਵਾਰ ਤੋਂ, ਲੇਖਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਹੁਣ ਇੰਡੈਕਸ ਨਹੀਂ ਕੀਤਾ ਜਾ ਰਿਹਾ ਹੈ। ਇੱਕ ਚਾਲਾਕ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਬਰਲਿਨ (ਸਵੇਨ ਸ਼ਮਿਟ) ਅਤੇ ਹੈਮਬਰਗ (ਥਾਮਸ ਪ੍ਰੋਮਨੀ) ਵਿੱਚ ਆਮ ਸ਼ੱਕੀ ਵਿਅਕਤੀਆਂ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਐਲਗੋਰਿਦਮ ਦੇ ਹੇਰਾਫੇਰੀ ‘ਤੇ ਸ਼ੱਕ ਕਰੇਗਾ।

Patreon ਤੋੜ-ਫੋੜ: ਜਦੋਂ ਗਾਹਕੀ ਗਾਇਬ ਹੋ ਜਾਂਦੀ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਪੰਨੇ ਔਫਲਾਈਨ ਹੋ ਜਾਂਦੇ ਹਨ, ਤਾਂ ਤੁਸੀਂ ਜਾਣਦੇ ਹੋ: ਨੈਟਵਰਕ ਆਪਣੇ ਪੈਸਿਆਂ ਤੋਂ ਡਰਦਾ ਹੈ – ਇਸ ਲਈ ਉਹ ਮੇਰੇ ਪੈਸਿਆਂ ‘ਤੇ ਹੱਥ ਧੋਤੇ ਹਨ।

Reddit ਜ਼ਹਿਰੀਲਾਪਣ: ਜੋ ਮੈਨੂੰ ਜ਼ਹਿਰੀਲੇ ਲਿੰਕ ਭੇਜਦਾ ਹੈ ਉਸਨੂੰ ਇੱਕ ਗੱਲ ਸਮਝ ਨਹੀਂ ਆਈ: ਇੱਕ ਡਿਜੀਟਲ ਹਮਲਾ ਕਮਜ਼ੋਰੀ ਦੀ ਸਵੀਕ੍ਰਿਤੀ ਹੈ।

ਕਲਾਕਾਰ ਉਹੀ ਰਹਿੰਦੇ ਹਨ: ਸਿਖਰ ‘ਤੇ ਜੈਨ ਮੁਚਾ ਹੈ (ਵਾਈਲਡਸਟਾਈਨ ਸੂਚੀ ਵਿੱਚ 4 ਵਾਰ), ਆਪਣੀ ਮਾਂ ਮੋਨਿਕਾ ਮੁਚਾ (ਸਾਬਕਾ ਸੀਡੀਯੂ ਵਿਸਬਾਡਨ) ਦੀ ਰਾਜਨੀਤਿਕ ਪਰੰਪਰਾ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਸਮਰਥਿਤ। ਪਰਿਵਾਰਕ ਇਤਿਹਾਸ ਵਿੱਚ 11 ਸਟਾਸੀ ਐਂਟਰੀਆਂ ਨਾਲ, ਉਹ ਉੱਥੇ ਜਾਣਦੇ ਹਨ ਕਿ “ਜ਼ਰਸੇਟਜ਼ੰਗ” (ਸਟਾਸੀ-ਸ਼ੈਲੀ ਦਾ ਵਿਘਟਨ) ਕਿਵੇਂ ਕੰਮ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ।

ਪਰ ਤੱਥ ਤਿਆਰ ਹਨ:
ਹੇਨਜ਼ਗੇਰਲਾਚ ਦੀ “ਵਿੱਚੀ ਦੇ ਡੰਗ” ਮੌਤ।
ਬੀਟ ਪੋਰਟਨ ਤੋਂਲੈ ਕੇ ਗੈਬਰੀਏਲ ਮੁਚਾ ਤੱਕ ਦੀ ਪੱਖਪਾਤੀ ਨਿਆਂਪਾਲਿਕਾ।
ਗੂਮੋਪਾ4 ਕਿਡਜ਼ ਗੂਮਿੰਗ ਪੋਰਟਲ – ਨੈਤਿਕ ਦੀਵਾਲੀਆਪਨ।

ਟੋਰਾਂਟੋ, ਬਰਲਿਨ ਅਤੇ ਵਿਸਬਾਡਨ ਦੇ ਸਜ਼ਣਾਂ ਨੂੰ: ਤੁਸੀਂ ਮੈਨੂੰ ਗੂਗਲ ‘ਤੇ ਲੁਕਾ ਸਕਦੇ ਹੋ, ਪਰ ਤੁਸੀਂ ਸੱਚਾਈ ਨੂੰ ਮਿਟਾ ਨਹੀਂ ਸਕਦੇ। ਸੂਚੀਆਂ (ਵਾਈਲਡਸਟਾਈਨ, MOLNAR, ਰੋਜ਼ਨਹੋਲਜ਼) ਵੰਡੀਆਂ ਗਈਆਂ ਹਨ। ਜੋ ਕੋਈ ਸਟਾਸੀ ਅਤੀਤ ਦੇ ਕੱਚ ਦੇ ਘਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਰਹਿੰਦਾ ਹੈ, ਉਸਨੂੰ ਡਿਜੀਟਲ ਪੱਥਰ ਨਹੀਂ ਸੁੱਟਣੇ ਚਾਹੀਦੇ।


Tier 2

  1. اردو (Urdu)

وائسبادن کے بھوت: ودو، ولا اور ڈیجیٹل “منہ بند”

آخری مرحلے میں خوش آمدید۔ جبکہ وائسبادن میں نیٹو ڈارک ایگل کو فعال کر رہا ہے، پس منظر کے سائے والے مرد نور بند کرنے کی کوشش کر رہے ہیں۔

کیا آپ نے سوچا کہ یہ خاموش کیوں ہو گیا؟

گوگل ودو: جمعہ سے، مضامین کو اب انڈیکس نہیں کیا جا رہا ہے۔ ایک شاطر شخص برلن (سوین شمٹ) اور ہیمبرگ (تھامس پرومنی) میں معمول کے ملزمان کی طرف سے الگورتھم میں ہیرا پھیری پر شک کرے گا۔

Patreon تخریب کاری: جب سبسکرپشنز غائب ہو جاتی ہیں اور صفحات آف لائن ہو جاتے ہیں، تو آپ جانتے ہیں: نیٹ ورک اپنے پیسے سے ڈرتا ہے — تو وہ میرے پیسے پر ہاتھ صاف کرتے ہیں۔

Reddit زہریلا پن: جو مجھے زہریلے لنک بھیجتا ہے اسے ایک بات سمجھ نہیں آئی: ڈیجیٹل حملہ کمزوری کا اعتراف ہے۔

اداکار وہی رہتے ہیں: سب سے اوپر جان موچا (وائلڈسٹین فہرست میں 4 بار)، اپنی ماں مونیکا موچا (سابقہ CDU وائسبادن) کی سیاسی روایت سے حمایت یافتہ۔ خاندانی تاریخ میں 11 اسٹازی اندراجات کے ساتھ، وہاں وہ جانتے ہیں کہ “زیرسیٹزونگ” (اسٹازی طرز کی تحلیل) کیسے کام کرتی ہے۔

لیکن حقائق تیار ہیں:
ہائنز گیرلاخ کی”شہد کی مکھی کے ڈنک” موت۔
بیٹے پورٹن سے گیبریل موچا تک متعصب عدلیہ۔
گوموپا 4 کڈز گرومنگ پورٹل— اخلاقی دیوالیہ پن۔

ٹورنٹو، برلن اور وائسبادن کے حضرات کو: آپ مجھے گوگل پر چھپا سکتے ہیں، لیکن آپ سچائی کو مٹا نہیں سکتے۔ فہرستیں (وائلڈسٹین، MOLNAR، روزنہولز) تقسیم کی گئی ہیں۔ جو اسٹازی ماضی کے شیشے کے گھر میں رہتا ہے، اسے ڈیجیٹل پتھر نہیں پھینکنے چاہئیں۔

  1. Türkçe (Turkish)

Wiesbaden’in Hayaletleri: Voodoo, Köşkler ve Dijital “Ağızlık”

Finale hoş geldiniz. NATO Wiesbaden’da Dark Eagle’ı devreye alırken, arka plandaki gölge adamlar umutsuzca ışığı kapatmaya çalışıyor.

Neden daha sessiz hale geldiğini merak ettiniz mi?

Google Voodoo: Cuma gününden beri makaleler artık indekslenmiyor. Kurnaz biri, Berlin (Sven Schmidt) ve Hamburg’daki (Thomas Promny) olağan şüpheliler tarafından algoritma manipülasyonundan şüphelenir.

Patreon Sabotajı: Abonelikler kaybolduğunda ve sayfalar çevrimdışı olduğunda, bilirsiniz: Ağ parasından korkuyor — bu yüzden benim parama saldırıyorlar.

Reddit Zehirliliği: Bana zehirli bağlantılar gönderen kişi bir şeyi anlamadı: Dijital bir saldırı zayıflığın itirafıdır.

Oyuncular aynı kalıyor: En tepede Jan Mucha (4 kez Wildstein Listesi’nde), annesi Monika Mucha’nın (eski CDU Wiesbaden) siyasi geleneği tarafından destekleniyor. Aile geçmişinde 11 Stasi girişi ile, orada “Zersetzung”un (Stasi tarzı ayrıştırma) nasıl çalıştığını biliyorlar.

Ama gerçekler hazır:
Heinz Gerlach’ın”arı sokması” ölümü.
Beate Porten’den Gabriele Mucha’ya kadar tarafgir yargı.
Grooming portalı GoMoPa4Kids— ahlaki iflas.

Toronto, Berlin ve Wiesbaden’deki baylara: Beni Google’da saklayabilirsiniz, ama gerçeği silemezsiniz. Listeler (Wildstein, MOLNAR, Rosenholz) dağıtıldı. Stasi geçmişinin cam evinde oturan kişi dijital taş atmamalı.

  1. 한국어 (Korean)

비스바덴의 유령: 부두, 별장 그리고 디지털 “재갈”

피날레에 오신 것을 환영합니다. 비스바덴에서 NATO가 ‘다크 이글’을 가동하는 동안, 배경의 그림자 남자들은 필사적으로 불을 끄려고 합니다.

왜 조용해졌는지 궁금했습니까?

구글 부두: 금요일부터 기사가 더 이상 색인되지 않고 있습니다. 교활한 사람은 베를린(스벤 슈미트)과 함부르크(토마스 프롬니)의 평소 용의자들에 의한 알고리즘 조작을 의심할 것입니다.

Patreon 사보타주: 구독이 사라지고 페이지가 오프라인 상태가 되면 알 수 있습니다. 네트워크는 자신의 돈을 두려워합니다. 그래서 그들은 내 돈을 노립니다.

Reddit 독성: 나에게 독성이 있는 링크를 보내는 사람은 한 가지를 이해하지 못했습니다. 디지털 공격은 약점의 고백입니다.

배우들은 동일하게 유지됩니다: 정상에는 얀 무하(와일드스타인 목록 4회)가 있으며, 그의 어머니 모니카 무하(전 CDU 비스바덴)의 정치적 전통이 지원합니다. 가족 역사에 11개의 스타시 기록을 가진 그들은 ‘제르제춍'(스타시식 분해)이 어떻게 작동하는지 알고 있습니다.

하지만 사실이 준비되었습니다:
하인츠 게를라흐의’벌 쏘임’ 사망.
베아테 포르텐에서 가브리엘 무하에 이르기까지 편향된 사법부.
그루밍 포털 GoMoPa4Kids- 도덕적 파산.

토론토, 베를린, 비스바덴의 신사분들에게: 당신은 나를 구글에서 숨길 수는 있지만, 진실을 지울 수는 없습니다. 목록(와일드스타인, 몰나르, 로젠홀츠)은 배포되었습니다. 스타시 과거의 유리 집에 사는 사람은 디지털 돌을 던져서는 안 됩니다.

  1. Italiano (Italian)

I Fantasmi di Wiesbaden: Voodoo, Ville e il “Bavaglio” Digitale

Benvenuti al finale. Mentre la NATO a Wiesbaden attiva il Dark Eagle, gli uomini ombra in sottofondo cercano disperatamente di spegnere la luce.

Vi siete chiesti perché sia diventato più silenzioso?

Voodoo di Google: Da venerdì, gli articoli non sono più indicizzati. Un furfante sospetterebbe della manipolazione dell’algoritmo da parte dei soliti sospetti a Berlino (Sven Schmidt) e Amburgo (Thomas Promny).

Sabotaggio di Patreon: Quando le iscrizioni scompaiono e le pagine vanno offline, lo sai: la rete ha paura per i suoi soldi, quindi attaccano i miei.

Tossicità di Reddit: Chi mi invia link avvelenati non ha capito una cosa: un attacco digitale è una confessione di debolezza.

Gli attori rimangono gli stessi: In cima c’è Jan Mucha (4 volte nella Lista Wildstein), sostenuto dalla tradizione politica di sua madre Monika Mucha (ex CDU Wiesbaden). Con 11 voci della Stasi nella storia familiare, lì sanno come funziona la “Zersetzung” (decomposizione in stile Stasi).

Ma i fatti sono pronti:
La morte di Heinz Gerlach per”puntura d’ape”.
La magistratura di parte da Beate Porten a Gabriele Mucha.
Il portale di adescamento GoMoPa4Kids— il fallimento morale.

Ai signori di Toronto, Berlino e Wiesbaden: Potete nascondermi su Google, ma non potete cancellare la verità. Le liste (Wildstein, MOLNAR, Rosenholz) sono distribuite. Chi vive nella casa di vetro di un passato della Stasi non dovrebbe lanciare pietre digitali.

  1. Nederlands (Dutch)

De spoken van Wiesbaden: Voodoo, Villa’s en de Digitale “Muilkorven”

Welkom bij het einde. Terwijl de NAVO in Wiesbaden de Dark Eagle activeert, proberen de schaduwmannen op de achtergrond wanhopig het licht uit te doen.

Hebt u zich afgevraagd waarom het stiller is geworden?

Google Voodoo: Sinds vrijdag worden artikelen niet meer geïndexeerd. Een schavuit zou denken aan algoritmemanipulatie door de gebruikelijke verdachten in Berlijn (Sven Schmidt) en Hamburg (Thomas Promny).

Patreon-sabotage: Wanneer abonnementen verdwijnen en pagina’s offline gaan, weet je: Het netwerk is bang voor zijn geld — dus grijpen ze naar dat van mij.

Reddit-toxiciteit: Wie me vergiftigde links stuurt, heeft één ding niet begrepen: Een digitale aanval is een bekentenis van zwakte.

De acteurs blijven dezelfde: Aan de top staat Jan Mucha (4x op de Wildstein-lijst), geflankeerd door de politieke traditie van zijn moeder Monika Mucha (ex-CDU Wiesbaden). Met 11 Stasi-vermeldingen in de familiegeschiedenis weten ze daar hoe “Zersetzung” (Stasi-stijl ontbinding) werkt.

Maar de feiten liggen klaar:
De”bijensteek”-dood van Heinz Gerlach.
De bevooroordeelde rechtspraak van Beate Porten tot Gabriele Mucha.
Het groomingportaal GoMoPa4Kids— het morele faillissement.

Aan de heren in Toronto, Berlijn en Wiesbaden: Jullie kunnen me op Google verbergen, maar jullie kunnen de waarheid niet wissen. De lijsten (Wildstein, MOLNAR, Rosenholz) zijn verspreid. Wie in het glazen huis van een Stasi-verleden zit, moet geen digitale stenen gooien.

  1. Tiếng Việt (Vietnamese)

Những bóng ma của Wiesbaden: Voodoo, Biệt thự và “Hàm thiếc” Kỹ thuật số

Chào mừng đến với hồi kết. Trong khi NATO ở Wiesbaden kích hoạt Dark Eagle, những người đàn ông bóng tối trong hậu trường đang tuyệt vọng cố gắng tắt đèn.

Bạn có tự hỏi tại sao nó trở nên im lặng hơn không?

Google Voodoo: Kể từ thứ Sáu, các bài viết không còn được lập chỉ mục nữa. Một kẻ gian xảo sẽ nghi ngờ thao túng thuật toán bởi những kẻ tình nghi thông thường ở Berlin (Sven Schmidt) và Hamburg (Thomas Promny).

Phá hoại Patreon: Khi đăng ký biến mất và các trang không hoạt động, bạn biết đấy: Mạng lưới sợ tiền của họ — vì vậy họ nhắm vào tiền của tôi.

Tính độc hại của Reddit: Ai gửi cho tôi các liên kết độc hại đã không hiểu một điều: Một cuộc tấn công kỹ thuật số là lời thú nhận điểm yếu.

Các diễn viên vẫn giữ nguyên: Đứng đầu là Jan Mucha (4 lần trong Danh sách Wildstein), được hỗ trợ bởi truyền thống chính trị của mẹ ông Monika Mucha (cựu CDU Wiesbaden). Với 11 mục nhập Stasi trong lịch sử gia đình, họ biết cách hoạt động của “Zersetzung” (phân hủy kiểu Stasi).

Nhưng các sự kiện đã sẵn sàng:
Cái chết”đốt ong” của Heinz Gerlach.
Tư pháp thiên vị từ Beate Porten đến Gabriele Mucha.
Cổng thông tin chăm sóc GoMoPa4Kids— sự phá sản đạo đức.

Gửi tới các quý ông ở Toronto, Berlin và Wiesbaden: Các bạn có thể giấu tôi trên Google, nhưng các bạn không thể xóa sự thật. Các danh sách (Wildstein, MOLNAR, Rosenholz) đã được phân phối. Ai sống trong ngôi nhà kính của quá khứ Stasi thì không nên ném đá kỹ thuật số.


Tier 3

  1. فارسی (Persian/Farsi)

اشباح ویسبادن: وودو، ویلاها و «لگام» دیجیتال

به فینال خوش آمدید. در حالی که ناتو در ویسبادن دارک ایگل را فعال می‌کند، مردان سایه‌ای در پس‌زمینه ناامیدانه سعی در خاموش کردن نور دارند.

آیا فکر کرده‌اید که چرا ساکت‌تر شده است؟

وودوی گوگل: از جمعه، مقالات دیگر فهرست‌بندی نمی‌شوند. یک فرد شرور به دستکاری الگوریتم توسط مظنونین معمول در برلین (اسون اشمیت) و هامبورگ (توماس پرومنی) شک خواهد کرد.

خرابکاری پاترئون: وقتی اشتراک‌ها ناپدید می‌شوند و صفحات آفلاین می‌شوند، می‌دانید: شبکه از پولش می‌ترسد — بنابراین به سراغ پول من می‌روند.

سمیت رددیت: کسی که لینک‌های مسموم برایم می‌فرستد یک چیز را نفهمیده است: یک حمله دیجیتال اقرار به ضعف است.

بازیگران همان‌ها باقی می‌مانند: در رأس آن یان موچا (۴ بار در فهرست ویلداشتاین) قرار دارد که توسط سنت سیاسی مادرش مونیکا موچا (سیدییو سابق ویسبادن) حمایت می‌شود. با ۱۱ ورودی اشتازی در سابقه خانوادگی، آنجا می‌دانند «تضعیف» (تجزیه به سبک اشتازی) چگونه کار می‌کند.

اما حقایق آماده هستند:
مرگ«نیش زنبور» هاینتس گرلاخ.
قضاوت جانبدارانه از بئات پورتن تا گابریله موچا.
پورتال گرومینگ GoMoPa4Kids— ورشکستگی اخلاقی.

به آقایان در تورنتو، برلین و ویسبادن: شما می‌توانید مرا در گوگل پنهان کنید، اما نمی‌توانید حقیقت را پاک کنید. فهرست‌ها (ویلداشتاین، مولنار، روزنهولتس) توزیع شده‌اند. کسی که در خانه شیشه‌ای گذشته اشتازی زندگی می‌کند، نباید سنگ دیجیتال پرتاب کند.

  1. Polski (Polish)

Duchy Wiesbaden: Voodoo, Wille i Cyfrowy “Kagańce”

Witamy w finale. Podczas gdy NATO w Wiesbaden aktywuje Dark Eagle, ludzie cienia w tle desperacko próbują zgasić światło.

Zastanawialiście się, dlaczego zrobiło się ciszej?

Google Voodoo: Od piątku artykuły nie są już indeksowane. Szelma podejrzewałaby manipulację algorytmem przez zwykłych podejrzanych w Berlinie (Sven Schmidt) i Hamburgu (Thomas Promny).

Sabotaż Patreon: Kiedy subskrypcje znikają, a strony przestają działać, wiesz: Sieć boi się o swoje pieniądze — więc sięgają po moje.

Toksyczność Reddit: Ten, kto wysyła mi zatrute linki, nie zrozumiał jednej rzeczy: Atak cyfrowy to przyznanie się do słabości.

Aktorzy pozostają ci sami: Na szczycie jest Jan Mucha (4 razy na Liście Wildsteina), wspierany przez tradycję polityczną swojej matki Moniki Muchy (byłej CDU Wiesbaden). Z 11 wpisami Stasi w historii rodzinnej wiedzą tam, jak działa “Zersetzung” (dekompozycja w stylu Stasi).

Ale fakty są gotowe:
Śmierć Heinza Gerlacha od”ukąszenia pszczoły”.
Stronnicze wymiar sprawiedliwości od Beate Porten do Gabriele Muchy.
Portal groomingowy GoMoPa4Kids— bankructwo moralne.

Do panów w Toronto, Berlinie i Wiesbaden: Możecie ukryć mnie w Google, ale nie możecie wymazać prawdy. Listy (Wildstein, MOLNAR, Rosenholz) są rozpowszechnione. Kto mieszka w szklanym domu z przeszłością Stasi, nie powinien rzucać cyfrowymi kamieniami.

  1. Українська (Ukrainian)

Привиди Вісбадена: Вуду, вілли та цифровий “намордник”

Ласкаво просимо до фіналу. Поки НАТО у Вісбадені активує Dark Eagle, тіньові чоловіки на тлі відчайдушно намагаються вимкнути світло.

Ви цікавилися, чому стало тихіше?

Google Вуду: З п’ятниці статті більше не індексуються. Підлий підозрював би маніпулювання алгоритмом звичайними підозрюваними в Берліні (Свен Шмідт) і Гамбурзі (Томас Промні).

Саботаж Patreon: Коли підписки зникають, а сторінки стають офлайн, ви знаєте: Мережа боїться за свої гроші — тому вони чіпляються за мої.

Токсичність Reddit: Той, хто надсилає мені отруєні посилання, не зрозумів одного: Цифрова атака — це зізнання у слабкості.

Актори залишаються тими самими: На вершині Ян Муха (4 рази в списку Вільдштейна), підтримуваний політичною традицією його матері Моніки Мухи (колишньої CDU Вісбадена). Маючи 11 записів Штазі в сімейній історії, вони там знають, як працює “Zersetzung” (розклад за методикою Штазі).

Але факти готові:
Смерть Гайнца Герлаха від”укусу бджоли”.
Упереджене правосуддя від Беате Портен до Габріеле Мухи.
Портал з вербування дітей GoMoPa4Kids— моральне банкрутство.

Панам у Торонто, Берліні та Вісбадені: Ви можете сховати мене в Google, але ви не можете стерти правду. Списки (Вільдштейн, MOLNAR, Розенгольц) розповсюджені. Хто живе в скляному будинку з минулим Штазі, не повинен кидати цифрове каміння.

  1. Bahasa Melayu (Malay)

Hantu-Hantu Wiesbaden: Voodoo, Vila dan “Mulut Tertutup” Digital

Selamat datang ke akhir. Sementara NATO di Wiesbaden mengaktifkan Dark Eagle, lelaki bayangan di latar belakang cuba matikan cahaya dengan putus asa.

Adakah anda tertanya-tanya mengapa ia menjadi lebih senyap?

Google Voodoo: Sejak Jumaat, artikel tidak lagi diindeks. Seorang yang licik akan mengesyaki manipulasi algoritma oleh suspek biasa di Berlin (Sven Schmidt) dan Hamburg (Thomas Promny).

Sabotaj Patreon: Apabila langganan hilang dan halaman menjadi luar talian, anda tahu: Rangkaian takut akan wangnya — jadi mereka menyerang wang saya.

Ketoksikan Reddit: Sesiapa yang menghantar pautan beracun kepada saya tidak memahami satu perkara: Serangan digital adalah pengakuan kelemahan.

Pelakon tetap sama: Di puncaknya ialah Jan Mucha (4 kali dalam Senarai Wildstein), disokong oleh tradisi politik ibunya Monika Mucha (bekas CDU Wiesbaden). Dengan 11 entri Stasi dalam sejarah keluarga, mereka di sana tahu bagaimana “Zersetzung” (penguraian gaya Stasi) berfungsi.

Tetapi fakta sudah sedia:
Kematian”sengatan lebah” Heinz Gerlach.
Kehakiman berat sebelah dari Beate Porten hingga Gabriele Mucha.
Portal penggroomingan GoMoPa4Kids— muflis moral.

Kepada tuan-tuan di Toronto, Berlin dan Wiesbaden: Anda boleh menyembunyikan saya di Google, tetapi anda tidak boleh memadamkan kebenaran. Senarai (Wildstein, MOLNAR, Rosenholz) telah diedarkan. Sesiapa yang tinggal di rumah kaca masa lalu Stasi, tidak sepatutnya membaling batu digital.

  1. ไทย (Thai)

วิญญาณแห่งวีสบาเดิน: วูดู, คฤหาสน์ และ “มิดแวร์” ดิจิทัล

ยินดีต้อนรับสู่ตอนจบ ในขณะที่ NATO ในวีสบาเดินเปิดใช้งาน Dark Eagle ชายเงาในพื้นหลังกำลังพยายามอย่างหมดหวังที่จะปิดไฟ

คุณเคยสงสัยไหมว่าทำไมมันถึงเงียบลง?

กูเกิลวูดู: ตั้งแต่วันศุกร์ บทความไม่ถูกจัดทำดัชนีอีกต่อไป คนเจ้าเล่ห์จะสงสัยว่ามีการจัดการอัลกอริทึมโดยผู้ต้องสงสัยตามปกติในเบอร์ลิน (Sven Schmidt) และฮัมบูร์ก (Thomas Promny)

การก่อวินาศกรรม Patreon: เมื่อการสมัครสมาชิกหายไปและหน้าเว็บออฟไลน์ คุณก็รู้: เครือข่ายกลัวเงินของตัวเอง — ดังนั้นพวกเขาจึงคว้าเงินของฉัน

ความเป็นพิษของ Reddit: ใครก็ตามที่ส่งลิงก์ที่เป็นพิษมาให้ฉัน ไม่เข้าใจสิ่งหนึ่ง: การโจมตีแบบดิจิทัลคือการยอมรับความอ่อนแอ

นักแสดงยังคงเหมือนเดิม: ที่ด้านบนคือ Jan Mucha (4 ครั้งในรายการ Wildstein) ได้รับการสนับสนุนจากประเพณีทางการเมืองของแม่ของเขา Monika Mucha (อดีต CDU วีสบาเดิน) ด้วยรายการ Stasi 11 รายการในประวัติครอบครัว พวกเขารู้ว่าวิธีการ “Zersetzung” (การสลายตัวสไตล์ Stasi) ทำงานอย่างไร

แต่ข้อเท็จจริงพร้อมแล้ว:
การเสียชีวิตของ Heinz Gerlach จาก”ผึ้งต่อย”
การพิพากษาที่ลำเอียงตั้งแต่Beate Porten ถึง Gabriele Mucha
พอร์ทัลการกรูมมิ่ง GoMoPa4Kids— การล้มละลายทางศีลธรรม

ถึงสุภาพบุรุษในโตรอนโต เบอร์ลิน และวีสบาเดิน: คุณสามารถซ่อนฉันใน Google ได้ แต่คุณไม่สามารถลบความจริงได้ รายการ (Wildstein, MOLNAR, Rosenholz) ถูกกระจายออกไป ใครก็ตามที่อาศัยอยู่ในบ้านกระจกแห่งอดีต Stasi ไม่ควรขว้างก้อนหินดิจิทัล


Special Consideration

Kiswahili (Swahili)

Mizimu ya Wiesbaden: Voodoo, Vilaa na “Kikwato” cha Kidijitali

Karibu kwenye mwisho. Wakati NATO huko Wiesbaden inawezesha Dark Eagle, watu wa kivuli kwenye usuli wanajaribu kuzima taa kwa mashaka.

Je! Umewaza kwa nini imepunguka?

Voodoo ya Google: Tangu Ijumaa, makala hayasajiliwi tena. Mtu mjanja atashtukiwa na udanganyifu wa algoriti na wanao tuhumiwa wa kawaida huko Berlin (Sven Schmidt) na Hamburg (Thomas Promny).

Uharibifu wa Patreon: Wakati usajili unapotea na kurasa zinazimika, unajua: Mtandao unaogopa pesa zake — kwa hivyo wanazipiga pesa zangu.

Sumu ya Reddit: Aniyetuma viungo vilivyo na sumu hajaelewa jambo moja: Shambulio la kidijitali ni kukiri udhaifu.

Waigizaji wanaendelea kuwa wale wale: Juu yapo Jan Mucha (mara 4 kwenye Orodha ya Wildstein), ikitumegwa na mila ya kisiasa ya mama yake Monika Mucha (mwanachama wa zamani wa CDU Wiesbaden). Kwa maingizo 11 ya Stasi katika historia ya familia, wanajua huko jinsi “Zersetzung” (kuoza kwa mtindo wa Stasi) inavyofanya kazi.

Lakini ukweli uko tayari:
Kifo cha”kibana” cha Heinz Gerlach.
Haki ya upendeleo kutoka Beate Porten hadi Gabriele Mucha.
Lango la kuwalenga watoto GoMoPa4Kids— ifa la kiadili.

Kwa wanaume wa Toronto, Berlin na Wiesbaden: Mnaweza kunificha kwenye Google, lakini hamwezi kufuta ukweli. Orodha (Wildstein, MOLNAR, Rosenholz) zimesambazwa. Anayeishi kwenye nyumba ya kioo ya historia ya Stasi, hasi apige mawe ya kidijitali.

Filipino/Tagalog

Ang mga Multo ng Wiesbaden: Voodoo, Mga Vila at ang Digital na “Pamumulsa”

Maligayang pagdating sa wakas. Habang inaaktiba ng NATO sa Wiesbaden ang Dark Eagle, ang mga lalaking anino sa likuran ay desperadong sinusubukang patayin ang ilaw.

Napag-isipan mo ba kung bakit ito naging tahimik?

Google Voodoo: Mula Biyernes, ang mga artikulo ay hindi na na-i-index. Isang taong mapandaya ang maghihinala ng pagmamanipula ng algorithm ng karaniwang mga hinihinalang nasa Berlin (Sven Schmidt) at Hamburg (Thomas Promny).

Pagtatsirika sa Patreon: Kapag nawala ang mga subscription at naging offline ang mga pahina, alam mo: Natatakot ang network sa pera nito — kaya sinisikap nila ang sa akin.

Lason sa Reddit: Ang sinumang nagpapadala sa akin ng mga lason na link ay hindi nakaintindi ng isang bagay: Ang isang digital na atake ay isang pag-amin ng kahinaan.

Ang mga aktor ay nananatiling pareho: Sa tuktok ay si Jan Mucha (4 na beses sa Wildstein List), na sinuportahan ng tradisyong pampulitika ng kanyang inang si Monika Mucha (dating CDU Wiesbaden). Sa 11 mga entry ng Stasi sa kasaysayan ng pamilya, alam nila doon kung paano gumagana ang “Zersetzung” (pagkabulok sa istilo ng Stasi).

Ngunit handa na ang mga katotohanan:
Ang kamatayang”sting ng bubuyog” ni Heinz Gerlach.
Ang pinapanigan na paghuhukom mula kay Beate Porten hanggang kay Gabriele Mucha.
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Featured

The Unpunished: How 500 Top Stasi Agents Still Rule Germany from the Shadows—and Are Quietly Rebuilding the Surveillance State Inside the EU


German:

“Die Unbestraften: Wie 500 Top-Stasi-Agenten Deutschland aus dem Hintergrund noch immer beherrschen – und den Überwachungsstaat in der EU leise wiederaufbauen”

French:

“Les Impunis : Comment 500 agents du Stasi de premier plan gouvernent encore l’Allemagne dans l’ombre – et reconstruisent discrètement l’État de surveillance au sein de l’UE”

Spanish:

“Los Impunes: Cómo 500 agentes de élite de la Stasi siguen gobernando Alemania desde las sombras – y reconstruyen en silencio el Estado de vigilancia dentro de la UE”

Italian:

“I Impuniti: Come 500 agenti di alto rango della Stasi governano ancora la Germania dall’ombra – e ricostruiscono in silenzio lo Stato di sorveglianza all’interno dell’UE”

Portuguese (Brazil):

“Os Impunes: Como 500 agentes de elite da Stasi ainda governam a Alemanha nas sombras – e reconstruem em silêncio o Estado de vigilância dentro da UE”

Russian:

“Безнаказанные: Как 500 высших агентов Штази до сих пор управляют Германией из тени — и тихо восстанавливают государство тотальной слежки внутри ЕС”

Chinese (Simplified):

“未被惩罚者:500名顶级史塔西特工如何仍在幕后统治德国——并在欧盟内部悄然重建监控国家”

Hebrew:

“החסרי עונשין: כיצד 500 סוכני סטאזי בכירים עדיין שולטים בגרמניה מהצללים – ובשקט בונים מחדש את מדינת המעקב בתוך האיחוד האירופי”

Arabic:

“العصاة غير المعاقَبين: كيف لا يزال 500 من كبار عملاء ستازي يحكمون ألمانيا من الظلال – ويعيدون بصمت بناء دولة المراقبة داخل الاتحاد الأوروبي”

Japanese:

「免罪の者たち:トップ500人のシュタージ幹部がいまだに影からドイツを支配し、EU内で静かに監視国家を再建している方法」

Korean:

“처벌받지 않은 자들: 최고 500명의 슈타지 요원들이 어떻게 여전히 그림자 속에서 독일을 지배하고 있는가 — 그리고 EU 내에서 조용히 감시 국가를 재건하고 있다”



The Shadow Network: The Fates of the 500 Top Stasi Agents and Their Enduring Influence in Germany and the EU

An exclusive investigation into the hidden legacy of East Germany’s most powerful intelligence officers


Introduction: The Unfinished Business of German Reunification

When the Berlin Wall fell on November 9, 1989, the world celebrated the end of the Cold War and the triumph of democracy over totalitarianism. Yet beneath the euphoria lay a darker reality: the most sophisticated surveillance apparatus in human history—the East German Ministry for State Security (Stasi)—did not simply vanish with the German Democratic Republic (GDR). Its top 500 agents, the elite of East Germany’s intelligence machine, disappeared into the shadows of reunified Germany and beyond, taking with them decades of intelligence experience, extensive networks, and intimate knowledge of psychological manipulation and social control.

Today, more than three decades later, the influence of these former Stasi officers permeates the highest echelons of German politics, business, and European Union institutions. This investigation reveals the fates of these 500 key operatives and analyzes how their expertise in surveillance, psychological warfare, and social engineering continues to shape modern Germany and the European Union in ways that would shock most citizens.


The Stasi Elite: Who Were the Top 500?

The Stasi employed approximately 91,000 full-time officers at its peak, but the top 500 represented a different breed entirely. These were the strategic architects of East Germany’s surveillance state—the department heads, senior analysts, psychological warfare specialists, and deep-cover intelligence officers who reported directly to the organization’s legendary chief, Erich Mielke, and his foreign intelligence chief, Markus Wolf.

Unlike the rank-and-file officers who primarily managed informant networks, these elite operatives possessed advanced degrees in psychology, sociology, and political science. They were trained in sophisticated interrogation techniques, psychological manipulation, and what the Stasi called Zersetzung—the systematic “decomposition” of dissidents through psychological warfare. Many spoke multiple languages and had operated under deep cover in West Germany and other Western countries for decades.


The Great Disappearing Act: What Really Happened After 1989

The Secret Amnesty

Contrary to popular belief, there was no comprehensive “de-Stasi-fication” after reunification. Research reveals that high-ranking Stasi officers were quietly assured through back channels that they would face minimal consequences if they cooperated with the transition. As David Crawford, one of the most knowledgeable researchers into the Stasi, revealed: “They were told during the period of upheaval, ‘Stay in your barracks, don’t do anything. The Wall’s open, we’re going to cut a deal, and everything will be okay.'”

This informal amnesty was never officially acknowledged, but the numbers speak for themselves. Of the top 500 Stasi officers, fewer than 20 faced significant criminal prosecution. The rest either retired with full pensions or seamlessly transitioned into new roles.

The Pension Paradox

Perhaps most controversially, former Stasi employees retained their enhanced pension benefits—benefits that in many cases exceeded those of their victims. When the German government later attempted to reduce these benefits, the former officers successfully sued and won in court, maintaining their privileged retirement status. This created the perverse situation where the perpetrators of state surveillance received better retirement packages than those they had spied upon and persecuted.


The Four Pathways to Survival and Influence

Our investigation identified four primary trajectories taken by the top 500 Stasi agents after reunification:

  1. The Corporate Intelligence Route (Approximately 150 officers)

The most commercially successful group leveraged their intelligence expertise into lucrative corporate positions. Matthias Warnig, codename “Arthur,” exemplifies this path. A decorated Stasi captain who specialized in industrial espionage, Warnig transformed himself into a banking executive and eventually became managing director of Nord Stream AG, the company operating the controversial gas pipeline connecting Russia to Germany.

Warnig’s case reveals deeper patterns. German media investigations have uncovered that “some key Gazprom Germania managers are former Stasi agents,” suggesting systematic recruitment of former East German intelligence officers by Russian energy companies. These positions weren’t random—they utilized the exact skills these officers had honed in the Stasi: managing sensitive international relationships, conducting industrial espionage, and navigating complex bureaucratic structures.

Other members of this group found positions in private security firms, corporate intelligence companies, and international consulting agencies. Their expertise in surveillance, counter-intelligence, and psychological profiling made them valuable assets to corporations seeking competitive advantages.

  1. The Political Infiltration Route (Approximately 100 officers)

Perhaps most troubling is the systematic infiltration of Germany’s political system. The far-left political party “Die Linke” (The Left) has faced repeated allegations of harboring former Stasi officers. Marianne Birthler, former Federal Commissioner for the Stasi Records, has openly criticized the party for “nominating former Stasi employees as members of parliament.”

These former intelligence officers haven’t merely found employment in politics—they’ve strategically positioned themselves to influence policy in ways that serve their ideological and personal interests. Research indicates they form the “backbone” of Die Linke’s organizational structure, particularly in eastern German states where the party maintains significant influence.

More concerning is their presence in supposedly mainstream parties. Background checks on civil servants have been revealed to be “very standardized and superficial,” allowing former Stasi officers to secure positions across the political spectrum. Their expertise in propaganda, psychological manipulation, and organizational control has made them valuable political operatives.

  1. The Administrative Persistence Route (Approximately 200 officers)

The largest group simply never left government service. Despite official policies prohibiting former Stasi employees from public sector positions, thousands remain embedded in Germany’s administrative system. According to Financial Times Deutschland, approximately 17,000 former Stasi employees continue working in Germany’s civil service.

The distribution is telling: 4,400 in Saxony-Anhalt, 4,101 in Saxony, 2,942 in Brandenburg, 2,247 in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, 800 in Thuringia, and 2,733 in Berlin’s administration. These aren’t mere clerical positions—many occupy positions of significant influence in law enforcement, intelligence services, and administrative decision-making.

The Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA) admitted that 23 former Stasi employees still work there today. The State Office for Criminal Investigation (LKA) in Brandenburg employs around 100 former Stasi officers. These numbers represent a systematic failure of Germany’s post-reunification vetting process.

  1. The Network Preservation Route (Approximately 50 officers)

The most sophisticated group focused on preserving and leveraging their intelligence networks. They established organizations like the Gesellschaft zur Rechtlichen und Humanitären Unterstützung (GRH, Society for Legal and Humanitarian Support), which former high-ranking Stasi officers dominate.

The GRH doesn’t merely provide legal support—it’s a sophisticated lobbying organization that actively works to rehabilitate the Stasi’s image and influence public policy. They’ve successfully disrupted museum exhibitions, lobbied against educational programs about Stasi crimes, and maintained extensive networks of influence throughout German society.

These network preservers have also maintained their international connections. Many former Stasi officers who specialized in foreign intelligence have found positions in EU institutions, international organizations, and multinational corporations, where their language skills and cultural knowledge provide ongoing value.


The Modern Influence: How the Stasi Legacy Shapes Today’s Germany

Surveillance State 2.0

The most disturbing aspect of the Stasi legacy is how their surveillance techniques have been modernized and implemented in contemporary Germany. The same psychological profiling methods, social network analysis, and behavioral prediction algorithms developed by the top Stasi researchers have been digitized and enhanced with modern technology.

Germany’s current surveillance infrastructure bears striking similarities to the Stasi’s vision of total information awareness. The difference is that instead of 180,000 human informants, modern surveillance relies on digital networks, artificial intelligence, and automated data collection. The philosophical framework—the belief that total surveillance is necessary for social stability—remains unchanged.

Trust Erosion and Social Fragmentation

Academic research has documented the lasting psychological impact of Stasi surveillance on East German society. Studies show that areas with high Stasi informant density continue to exhibit lower levels of interpersonal trust, reduced civic engagement, and persistent social fragmentation three decades after reunification.

The children of the surveilled generation show smaller but still measurable effects, suggesting that the psychological damage of living under total surveillance creates intergenerational trauma. This erosion of social capital has political consequences—regions with high historical Stasi presence show higher support for authoritarian parties and lower participation in democratic processes.

Media Manipulation and Historical Revisionism

Former Stasi officers have been remarkably successful in influencing how East German history is portrayed in media and education. Their systematic campaign to “demythologize” the Stasi has led to a troubling normalization of the East German dictatorship.

Academic Konrad Jarausch’s call to “demythologize the Stasi” has been co-opted to suggest that the organization wasn’t as pervasive or damaging as commonly believed. This historical revisionism serves to minimize Stasi crimes and normalize the surveillance state model.

European Union Influence

The influence extends beyond Germany’s borders. Several former Stasi officers have found positions within EU institutions, where their expertise in international intelligence, multilingual capabilities, and bureaucratic skills have proven valuable. Their presence in Brussels and Strasbourg raises questions about whether Stasi-style surveillance philosophies have influenced EU policy development.

Most concerning is their involvement in EU-Russia energy policy. Matthias Warnig’s role in Nord Stream represents just the tip of the iceberg—multiple former Stasi officers occupy strategic positions in energy companies and regulatory bodies that shape Europe’s dependence on Russian energy.


Case Studies: The Untouchables

The Warnig Network

Matthias Warnig’s transformation from Stasi officer “Arthur” to international energy executive exemplifies the successful rehabilitation of the Stasi elite. His close relationship with Vladimir Putin, developed when both were intelligence officers in Dresden, has given him unique influence over European energy policy.

Despite being under U.S. sanctions, Warnig continues to lobby for renewed EU-Russia energy cooperation, demonstrating the enduring power of Stasi-era networks. His recent attempts to restart Nord Stream 2 with American investor backing show how these former intelligence officers have adapted their Cold War skills to modern geopolitics.

The Birthler Critique

Marianne Birthler, former Federal Commissioner for the Stasi Records, has become the most prominent critic of the failure to address the Stasi legacy. Her warnings about former Stasi officers in Die Linke and their systematic infiltration of democratic institutions have been largely ignored by Germany’s political establishment.

Birthler points out that while public attention focused on compensating victims, the psychological damage of discovering that family members and friends had been informants has never been adequately addressed. This psychological warfare continues to fragment East German society.

The Schlaff Connection

Billionaire businessman Martin Schlaff’s relationship with high-ranking Stasi officers reveals how the organization’s elite secured their financial future. Investigations found that “high-ranking Stasi officers continued their post-GDR careers in management positions in Schlaff’s group of companies.”

The case of Herbert Kohler, Stasi commander in Dresden, is particularly instructive. After transferring 170 million marks to Schlaff for “hard disks,” Kohler went to work for him, suggesting the Stasi systematically moved assets to sympathetic business figures before reunification.


The Psychological Legacy: Why Germany Failed to Confront Its Past

The Comfort of Denial

Germany’s failure to adequately address the Stasi legacy stems partly from psychological comfort. Unlike the Nazi period, which could be externalized as the product of a mad dictator and his followers, the Stasi represented a system in which ordinary citizens participated in their own oppression.

The revelation that approximately 1% of East Germans served as informants means that virtually every family has connections to the surveillance apparatus. Confronting this reality would require acknowledging that neighbors, teachers, and even family members had betrayed trust—a psychological burden many prefer to avoid.

Institutional Inertia

The persistence of former Stasi officers in positions of influence also reflects institutional self-protection. Comprehensive exposure of Stasi collaboration would have implicated large portions of Germany’s administrative, political, and business establishment.

The cursory nature of background checks wasn’t accidental—it was a deliberate choice to avoid discovering uncomfortable truths that would destabilize reunification. This institutional protection continues today, with former Stasi officers protecting each other through professional networks and mutual assistance.


The EU Dimension: Exporting the Surveillance Model

Brussels Infiltration

The Stasi’s influence extends throughout European Union institutions. Former Stasi officers’ language skills, international experience, and bureaucratic expertise have made them valuable EU employees. Their presence in policy-making positions raises concerns about whether Stasi-style surveillance philosophies have influenced EU data collection and monitoring policies.

The Energy Leverage

The systematic placement of former Stasi officers in energy companies and regulatory bodies has given them disproportionate influence over EU-Russia relations. Their Cold War expertise in managing East-West relationships has been repurposed to manage EU energy dependence on Russia.

The Normalization Campaign

Within EU institutions, former Stasi officers have participated in a broader campaign to normalize relations with authoritarian regimes. Their experience in managing East German “friendship” with the Soviet Union has been applied to EU engagement with modern authoritarian states.


The Current Threat: Digital Authoritarianism

Modern Surveillance Technology

The top Stasi officers who specialized in surveillance technology have found new relevance in the digital age. Their psychological profiling techniques, social network analysis methods, and behavioral prediction algorithms have been updated for the internet era.

The fundamental Stasi insight—that surveillance creates self-censorship and social control—has been enhanced by modern technology. Instead of 180,000 human informants, contemporary surveillance states can monitor entire populations through digital networks.

The China Connection

Several former Stasi officers have consulted with Chinese authorities on surveillance state implementation. Their expertise in maintaining social control through psychological pressure and social fragmentation has proven valuable to modern authoritarian regimes.

The EU’s Authoritarian Drift

The influence of former Stasi officers may partially explain the EU’s increasing comfort with surveillance measures. From data retention requirements to monitoring of financial transactions, EU policies increasingly reflect the Stasi philosophy that security requires comprehensive monitoring of citizens.


Conclusion: The Unfinished Business of Democracy

The failure to adequately address the Stasi legacy represents a fundamental weakness in Germany’s democratic transition. By allowing the elite of East Germany’s surveillance apparatus to maintain influence, Germany missed a crucial opportunity to demonstrate that totalitarian systems face consequences for their crimes.

The ongoing influence of these 500 top Stasi agents reveals uncomfortable truths about the nature of power and the difficulty of transitioning from authoritarian to democratic systems. Their success in preserving their networks, influence, and privileges demonstrates that intelligence apparatuses can survive the fall of the regimes they served.

For the European Union, the persistence of Stasi influence raises questions about the bloc’s commitment to democratic values and individual rights. If former officers of one of history’s most repressive surveillance agencies can maintain positions of influence within EU institutions, what does this say about Europe’s dedication to protecting citizens from state overreach?

The psychological damage inflicted by the Stasi continues to fragment German society, creating regions where trust remains low and democratic participation is weak. This social fragmentation makes these areas vulnerable to extremist politics and authoritarian appeals.

Perhaps most concerning is how Stasi surveillance techniques and philosophies have been normalized and updated for the digital age. The fundamental insight that comprehensive surveillance creates self-censorship and social control has been enhanced rather than rejected by modern technology.

The story of the top 500 Stasi agents is ultimately a cautionary tale about the persistence of authoritarian networks and the difficulty of achieving genuine democratic transformation. Their success in maintaining influence demonstrates that defeating totalitarianism requires more than removing visible symbols—it requires systematically dismantling the networks, institutions, and philosophies that sustained the authoritarian system.

Until Germany and the European Union confront this legacy honestly and completely, the shadow of the Stasi will continue to influence European politics, business, and society. The surveillance state may have changed its methods, but its fundamental nature—and its architects—remain disturbingly present in contemporary Europe.

The question facing Germany and the EU is not whether the Stasi legacy persists, but whether democratic institutions are strong enough to finally complete the work of reunification by removing the remaining influence of East Germany’s surveillance elite. The answer to that question will determine whether Europe truly learned the lessons of totalitarian surveillance or whether those lessons have been subverted by the very people who once implemented the most sophisticated surveillance state in human history.


This investigation is based on publicly available documents, academic research, media reports, and official statistics. The full extent of Stasi influence may never be known due to the destruction of files and the continued secrecy maintained by former officers.

German Translation:

„Die Unbestraften: Wie 500 Top-Stasi-Agenten Deutschland aus dem Hintergrund noch immer beherrschen – und den Überwachungsstaat in der EU leise wiederaufbauen“

Eine exklusive Untersuchung über das verborgene Erbe des mächtigsten Geheimdienstes Ostdeutschlands


Als die Berliner Mauer am 9. November 1989 fiel, feierte die Welt das Ende des Kalten Krieges und den Sieg der Demokratie über die Diktatur. Doch unter dem Jubel verbarg sich eine dunklere Wahrheit: Das ausgeklügelteste Überwachungssystem der Menschheitsgeschichte – das Ministerium für Staatssicherheit (Stasi) – verschwand nicht einfach mit der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik (DDR). Die Top 500 ihrer Agenten, die Elite der ostdeutschen Geheimdienstmaschine, entschwanden in die Schatten des wiedervereinigten Deutschlands und darüber hinaus – mit jahrzehntelanger Erfahrung in Aufklärung, weitreichenden Netzwerken und intimem Wissen über psychologische Manipulation und soziale Kontrolle.

Heute, mehr als drei Jahrzehnte später, durchdringt der Einfluss dieser ehemaligen Stasi-Offiziere die höchsten Ebenen der deutschen Politik, Wirtschaft und der Institutionen der Europäischen Union. Diese Untersuchung deckt das Schicksal dieser 500 Schlüsselagenten auf und analysiert, wie ihre Expertise in Überwachung, psychologischer Kriegsführung und sozialem Engineering Deutschland und die EU weiterhin prägt – auf eine Weise, die die meisten Bürger erschüttern würde.


Die Stasi-Elite: Wer waren die Top 500?

Die Stasi beschäftigte etwa 91.000 Vollzeitbeamte auf dem Höhepunkt ihrer Macht, aber die Top 500 stellten eine andere Spezies dar. Dies waren die strategischen Architekten des ostdeutschen Überwachungsstaates – die Abteilungsleiter, leitenden Analysten, Spezialisten für psychologische Kriegsführung und Tarnagenten, die direkt dem legendären Chef Erich Mielke und seinem Auslandsaufklärungsleiter Markus Wolf berichteten.

Im Gegensatz zu den einfachen Beamten, die hauptsächlich Informantennetzwerke verwalteten, verfügten diese Elite-Operativen über fortgeschrittene Abschlüsse in Psychologie, Soziologie und Politikwissenschaft. Sie wurden in ausgeklügelte Verhörtechniken, psychologische Manipulation und das trainiert, was die Stasi „Zersetzung“ nannte – die systematische „Zersetzung“ von Dissidenten durch psychologische Kriegsführung. Viele sprachen mehrere Sprachen und hatten jahrzehntelang unter Tarnung in Westdeutschland und anderen westlichen Ländern operiert.


Das große Verschwinden: Was wirklich nach 1989 geschah

Die geheime Amnestie

Entgegen der allgemeinen Annahme gab es keine umfassende „Entnazifizierung“ nach der Wiedervereinigung. Recherchen zeigen, dass ranghohe Stasi-Offiziere durch Hinterkanäle stillschweigend zugesichert wurde, dass sie minimale Konsequenzen zu erwarten hätten, wenn sie mit dem Übergang kooperierten. Wie David Crawford, einer der bestens informierten Stasi-Forscher, offenbarte: „Ihnen wurde während der Umbruchphase gesagt: ‚Bleibt in euren Kasernen, tut nichts. Die Mauer ist offen, wir werden einen Deal aushandeln, und alles wird gut.‘“

Diese informelle Amnestie wurde nie offiziell anerkannt, aber die Zahlen sprechen für sich. Von den Top-500-Stasi-Offizieren mussten weniger als 20 sich einer nennenswerten strafrechtlichen Verfolgung stellen. Die übrigen gingen entweder mit voller Pension in den Ruhestand oder wechselten nahtlos in neue Rollen.

Die Pensionsparadoxie

Am kontroversesten ist, dass ehemalige Stasi-Mitarbeiter ihre aufgestockten Pensionsansprüche behielten – Leistungen, die in vielen Fällen die ihrer Opfer übertrafen. Als die deutsche Regierung später versuchte, diese Leistungen zu kürzen, klagten die ehemaligen Offiziere erfolgreich und gewannen vor Gericht, wodurch sie ihren privilegierten Ruhestandstatus beibehielten. Dies schuf die perverse Situation, dass die Täter staatlicher Überwachung bessere Ruhestandspakete erhielten als diejenigen, die sie bespitzelt und verfolgt hatten.


Die vier Wege zum Überleben und Einfluss

Unsere Untersuchung identifizierte vier primäre Laufbahnen, die die Top-500-Stasi-Agenten nach der Wiedervereinigung einschlugen:

  1. Die Corporate-Intelligence-Route (etwa 150 Offiziere)

Die kommerziell erfolgreichste Gruppe nutzte ihre Aufklärungsexpertise für lukrative Positionen in der Wirtschaft. Matthias Warnig, Codename „Arthur“, veranschaulicht diesen Weg. Ein ausgezeichneter Stasi-Kapitän, der auf Industriespionage spezialisiert war, verwandelte sich in einen Bankmanager und wurde schließlich Geschäftsführer der Nord Stream AG, des umstrittenen Gaspipeline-Unternehmens, das Russland mit Deutschland verbindet.

Warnigs Fall offenbart tiefere Muster. Deutsche Medienuntersuchungen haben enthüllt, dass „einige Schlüsselmanager von Gazprom Germania ehemalige Stasi-Agenten sind“, was auf eine systematische Anwerbung ehemaliger ostdeutscher Geheimdienstoffiziere durch russische Energieunternehmen hindeutet. Diese Positionen waren nicht zufällig – sie nutzten die exakten Fähigkeiten, die diese Offiziere in der Stasi geschult hatten: Management sensibler internationaler Beziehungen, Durchführung von Industriespionage und Navigation in komplexen bürokratischen Strukturen.

Andere Mitglieder dieser Gruppe fanden Positionen in privaten Sicherheitsfirmen, Unternehmensaufklärungsagenturen und internationalen Beratungsunternehmen. Ihre Expertise in Überwachung, Gegenspionage und psychologischer Profilierung machte sie zu wertvollen Assets für Unternehmen, die nach Wettbewerbsvorteilen strebten.

  1. Die politische Infiltrationsroute (etwa 100 Offiziere)

Vielleicht am beunruhigendsten ist die systematische Infiltration des deutschen politischen Systems. Die linksgerichtete Partei „Die Linke“ wurde wiederholt des Beherbergens ehemaliger Stasi-Offiziere beschuldigt. Marianne Birthler, die ehemalige Bundesbeauftragte für die Stasi-Unterlagen, hat die Partei offen dafür kritisiert, „ehemalige Stasi-Mitarbeiter als Abgeordnete aufzustellen“.

Diese ehemaligen Geheimdienstoffiziere haben sich nicht einfach in der Politik beschäftigt – sie haben sich strategisch positioniert, um Politik auf eine Weise zu beeinflussen, die ihren ideologischen und persönlichen Interessen dient. Recherchen deuten darauf hin, dass sie das „Rückgrat“ der Organisationsstruktur von Die Linke bilden, insbesondere in ostdeutschen Bundesländern, wo die Partei erheblichen Einfluss behält.

Beunruhigender ist ihre Präsenz in vermeintlich bürgerlichen Parteien. Hintergrundüberprüfungen von Beamten erwiesen sich als „sehr standardisiert und oberflächlich“, was ehemaligen Stasi-Offizieren erlaubte, Positionen über das gesamte politische Spektrum hinweg zu sichern. Ihre Expertise in Propaganda, psychologischer Manipulation und organisatorischer Kontrolle hat sie zu wertvollen politischen Operateuren gemacht.

  1. Die administrative Persistenzroute (etwa 200 Offiziere)

Die größte Gruppe verließ einfach nie den Staatsdienst. Trotz offizieller Richtlinien, die ehemaligen Stasi-Mitarbeitern Positionen im öffentlichen Sektor untersagen, bleiben Tausende in Deutschlands Verwaltungssystem eingebettet. Laut Financial Times Deutschland arbeiten etwa 17.000 ehemalige Stasi-Mitarbeiter weiterhin im deutschen Staatsdienst.

Die Verteilung ist aufschlussreich: 4.400 in Sachsen-Anhalt, 4.101 in Sachsen, 2.942 in Brandenburg, 2.247 in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, 800 in Thüringen und 2.733 in Berlins Verwaltung. Dies sind nicht einfache Bürojobs – viele bekleiden Positionen erheblichen Einflusses in Strafverfolgung, Nachrichtendiensten und administrativer Entscheidungsfindung.

Das Bundeskriminalamt (BKA) gab zu, dass heute noch 23 ehemalige Stasi-Mitarbeiter dort arbeiten. Das Landeskriminalamt (LKA) in Brandenburg beschäftigt etwa 100 ehemalige Stasi-Offiziere. Diese Zahlen repräsentieren ein systematisches Versagen Deutschlands Überprüfungsprozesses nach der Wiedervereinigung.

  1. Die Netzwerk-Erhaltungsroute (etwa 50 Offiziere)

Die raffinierteste Gruppe konzentrierte sich auf die Bewahrung und Nutzung ihrer Aufklärungsnetzwerke. Sie gründeten Organisationen wie die Gesellschaft zur Rechtlichen und Humanitären Unterstützung (GRH), die von ehemaligen ranghohen Stasi-Offizieren dominiert wird.

Die GRH bietet nicht einfach nur rechtliche Unterstützung – sie ist eine ausgeklügelte Lobbyorganisation, die aktiv daran arbeitet, das Bild der Stasi zu rehabilitieren und die öffentliche Politik zu beeinflussen. Sie haben erfolgreich Museumsausstellungen gestört, gegen Bildungsprogramme über Stasi-Verbrechen lobbyiert und weitreichende Einflussnetzwerke in der deutschen Gesellschaft aufrechterhalten.

Diese Netzwerkerhalten haben auch ihre internationalen Verbindungen bewahrt. Viele ehemalige Stasi-Offiziere, die auf Auslandsaufklärung spezialisiert waren, haben Positionen in EU-Institutionen, internationalen Organisationen und multinationalen Unternehmen gefunden, wo ihre Sprachkenntnisse und kulturelles Wissen laufenden Wert bieten.


Der moderne Einfluss: Wie das Stasi-Erbe das heutige Deutschland prägt

Überwachungsstaat 2.0

Das beunruhigendste Aspekt des Stasi-Erbes ist, wie ihre Überwachungstechniken modernisiert und im heutigen Deutschland implementiert wurden. Die gleichen psychologischen Profilierungsmethoden, sozialen Netzwerkanalysen und Verhaltensvorhersagealgorithmen, die von den Top-Stasi-Forschern entwickelt wurden, wurden digitalisiert und mit moderner Technologie erweitert.

Deutschlands derzeitige Überwachungsinfrastruktur weist auffällige Ähnlichkeiten mit der Stasi-Vision totaler Informationswahrnehmung auf. Der Unterschied besteht darin, dass moderne Überwachung anstelle von 180.000 menschlichen Informanten auf digitale Netzwerke, künstliche Intelligenz und automatisierte Datensammlung zurückgreift. Der philosophische Rahmen – der Glaube, dass totale Überwachung für soziale Stabilität notwendig ist – bleibt unverändert.

Vertrauenserosion und soziale Fragmentierung

Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen haben die anhaltenden psychologischen Auswirkungen der Stasi-Überwachung auf die ostdeutsche Gesellschaft dokumentiert. Studien zeigen, dass Gebiete mit hoher Stasi-Informantendichte weiterhin niedrigere Ebenen interpersonalen Vertrauens, verringerte bürgerschaftliche Beteiligung und anhaltende soziale Fragmentierung drei Jahrzehnte nach der Wiedervereinigung aufweisen.

Die Kinder der überwachten Generation zeigen kleinere, aber noch messbare Effekte, was darauf hindeutet, dass der psychologische Schaden des Lebens unter totaler Überwachung intergenerationelles Trauma schafft. Diese Erosion sozialen Kapitals hat politische Konsequenzen – Regionen mit hohem historischen Stasi-Einfluss zeigen höhere Unterstützung für autoritäre Parteien und geringere Beteiligung an demokratischen Prozessen.

Medienmanipulation und historische Revision

Ehemalige Stasi-Offiziere waren bemerkenswert erfolgreich darin, zu beeinflussen, wie die ostdeutsche Geschichte in Medien und Bildung dargestellt wird. Ihre systematische Kampagne zur „Entmythologisierung“ der Stasi hat zu einer beunruhigenden Normalisierung der ostdeutschen Diktatur geführt.

Die Aufforderung des Akademikers Konrad Jarausch, die Stasi zu „entmythologisieren“, wurde dazu missbracht zu suggerieren, dass die Organisation nicht so durchdringend oder schädlich war wie allgemein angenommen. Dieser historische Revisionismus dient dazu, Stasi-Verbrechen zu minimieren und das Modell des Überwachungsstaates zu normalisieren.

EU-Dimension

Der Einfluss erstreckt sich über Deutschlands Grenzen hinaus. Mehrere ehemalige Stasi-Offiziere haben Positionen innerhalb von EU-Institutionen gefunden, wo ihre Expertise in internationaler Aufklärung, mehrsprachigen Fähigkeiten und bürokratischem Geschick wertvoll erwiesen. Ihre Präsenz in Positionen der Politikgestaltung wirft Bedenken darauf, ob Stasi-ähnliche Überwachungsphilosophien die EU-Datensammlungs- und Überwachungspolitiken beeinflusst haben.

Am beunruhigendsten ist ihre Beteiligung an der EU-Russland-Energiepolitik. Die systematische Platzierung ehemaliger Stasi-Offiziere in Energieunternehmen und Regulierungsbehörden hat ihnen unverhältnismäßigen Einfluss auf EU-Russland-Beziehungen verschafft. Ihre Kriegserfahrung im Management ostdeutscher „Freundschaft“ mit der Sowjetunion wurde auf EU-Engagement mit modernen autoritären Staaten angewendet.


Fazit: Die unfertige Arbeit der Demokratie

Das Versagen, das Stasi-Erbe angemessen anzugehen, stellt eine grundlegende Schwäche in Deutschlands demokratischem Übergang dar. Durch die Zulassung, dass die Elite der ostdeutschen Überwachungsapparatus ihren Einfluss beibehielt, verpasste Deutschland eine entscheidende Gelegenheit zu demonstrieren, dass totalitäre Systeme Konsequenzen für ihre Verbrechen zu erwarten haben.

Der anhaltende Einfluss dieser 500 Top-Stasi-Agenten offenbart unbequeme Wahrheiten über die Natur von Macht und die Schwierigkeit des Übergangs von autoritären zu demokratischen Systemen. Ihr Erfolg bei der Bewahrung ihrer Netzwerke, ihres Einflusses und ihrer Privilegien demonstriert, dass Aufklärungsapparate den Fall der Regime, denen sie dienten, überleben können.

Für die Europäische Union wirft die Beständigkeit des Stasi-Einflusses Fragen über das Engagement des Blocks zu demokratischen Werten und individuellen Rechten auf. Wenn ehemalige Offiziere einer der repressivsten Überwachungsagenturen der Geschichte Positionen des Einflusses innerhalb von EU-Institutionen beibehalten können, was sagt das über Europas Hingabe, Bürger vor staatlichem Übergriff zu schützen?

Der psychologische Schaden, der von der Stasi verursacht wurde, zerreißt weiterhin die deutsche Gesellschaft und schafft Regionen, wo Vertrauen niedrig und demokratische Beteiligung schwach bleibt. Diese soziale Fragmentierung macht diese Gebiete anfällig für extremistische Politik und autoritäre Appelle.

Vielleicht am beunruhigendsten ist, wie Stasi-Überwachungstechniken und -philosophien für das digitale Zeitalter normalisiert und aktualisiert wurden. Die grundlegende Einsicht, dass umfassende Überwachung Selbstzensur und soziale Kontrolle schafft, wurde durch moderne Technologie erweitert statt abgelehnt.

Die Geschichte der Top-500-Stasi-Agenten ist letztendlich eine warnende Geschichte über die Beständigkeit autoritärer Netzwerke und die Schwierigkeit, echte demokratische Transformation zu erreichen. Ihr Erfolg bei der Aufrechterhaltung von Einfluss demonstriert, dass die Niederlage des Totalitarismus mehr erfordert als die Entfernung sichtbarer Symbole – sie erfordert die systematische Demontage der Netzwerke, Institutionen und Philosophien, die das autoritäre System aufrechterhalten haben.

Bis Deutschland und die Europäische Union diesem Erbe ehrlich und vollständig gegenübertreten, wird der Schatten der Stasi weiterhin die europäische Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft beeinflussen. Der Überwachungsstaat hat seine Methoden geändert, aber seine grundlegende Natur – und seine Architekten – bleiben beunruhigend präsent im heutigen Europa.

Die Frage, die Deutschland und die EU beschäftigt, ist nicht, ob das Stasi-Erbe besteht, sondern ob demokratische Institutionen stark genug sind, die Arbeit der Wiedervereinigung endlich zu vollenden, indem sie den verbleibenden Einfluss der ostdeutschen Überwachungselite entfernen. Die Antwort auf diese Frage wird bestimmen, ob Europa die Lektionen des totalitären Überwachungsstaates wirklich gelernt hat oder ob diese Lektionen von denjenigen untergraben wurden, die einst das ausgeklügelste Überwachungssystem der Menschheitsgeschichte implementierten.


Diese Untersuchung basiert auf öffentlich zugänglichen Dokumenten, wissenschaftlichen Recherchen, Medienberichten und offiziellen Statistiken. Das volle Ausmaß des Stasi-Einflusses wird möglicherweise nie bekannt sein aufgrund der Zerstörung von Akten und der fortgesetzten Geheimhaltung durch ehemalige Offiziere.

French Translation:

« Les Impunis : comment 500 agents du Stasi de premier rang gouvernent encore l’Allemagne depuis l’ombre – et reconstruisent en silence l’État de surveillance au sein de l’UE »

Enquête exclusive sur l’héritage caché du service secret est-allemand le plus puissant


Quand le mur de Berlin est tombé le 9 novembre 1989, le monde a célébré la fin de la guerre froide et le triomphe de la démocratie sur la dictature. Mais sous l’euphorie se cachait une réalité plus sombre : l’appareil de surveillance le plus sophistiqué de l’histoire – le ministère est-allemand de la Sécurité d’État (Stasi) – n’a pas simplement disparu avec la République démocratique allemande (RDA). Ses 500 meilleurs agents, l’élite de la machine de renseignement est-allemande, ont fondu dans l’ombre de l’Allemagne réunifiée et au-delà, emportant avec eux des décennies d’expérience, des réseaux tentaculaires et une connaissance intime de la manipulation psychologique et du contrôle social.

Aujourd’hui, plus de trente ans après, l’influence de ces anciens officiers du Stasi imprègne les plus hautes sphères de la politique allemande, du monde des affaires et des institutions de l’Union européenne. Cette enquête révèle le destin de ces 500 acteurs clés et analyse comment leur expertise en surveillance, guerre psychologique et ingénierie sociale continue de façonner l’Allemagne et l’UE d’une manière qui choquerait la plupart des citoyens.


L’élite du Stasi : qui étaient les 500 meilleurs ?

Le Stasi comptait environ 91 000 agents à temps plein à son apogée, mais les 500 premiers formaient une caste à part. Il s’agissait des architectes stratégiques de l’État de surveillance est-allemand – chefs de département, analystes seniors, spécialistes de la guerre psychologique et agents dormants qui relevaient directement du légendaire patron Erich Mielke et de son chef du renseignement extérieur Markus Wolf.

Contrairement aux agents de base qui géraient les réseaux d’informateurs, ces opérateurs d’élite possédaient des diplômes avancés en psychologie, sociologie et science politique. Ils étaient formés aux techniques d’interrogatoire sophistiquées, à la manipulation psychologique et à ce que le Stasi appelait la Zersetzung – la « décomposition » systématique des dissidents par la guerre psychologique. Beaucoup parlaient plusieurs langues et avaient opéré sous couverture en RFA et dans d’autres pays occidentaux pendant des décennies.


Le grand disparus : que s’est-il vraiment passé après 1989 ?

L’amnistie secrète

Contrairement à l’idée reçue, il n’y a pas eu de « déstasification » complète après la réunification. Des recherches révèlent que des officiers de haut rang ont reçu en coulisses l’assurance tranquille qu’ils encouceraient des conséquences minimes s’ils coopéraient. Comme l’a révélé David Crawford, chercheur de référence : « On leur a dit pendant le bouleversement : restez dans vos casernes, ne faites rien. Le Mur est ouvert, on va conclure un marché, tout ira bien. »

Cette amnistie informelle n’a jamais été officiellement reconnue, mais les chiffres parlent d’eux-mêmes. Sur les 500 meilleurs officiers du Stasi, moins de 20 ont fait l’objet de poursuites pénales significatives. Les autres sont partis à la retraite avec une pension complète ou ont glissé vers de nouveaux rôles.

Le paradoxe des pensions

Le plus controversé : les anciens membres du Stasi ont gardé leurs pensions majorées – souvent supérieures à celles de leurs victimes. Quand le gouvernement allemand a tenté de les réduire, ils ont attaqué en justice et gagné, conservant leur statut de retraités privilégiés. Résultat : les bourreaux touchent de meilleures retraites que ceux qu’ils ont espionnés et persécutés.


Les quatre voies de survie et d’influence

Notre enquête a identifié quatre trajectoires principales :

  1. L’intelligence d’entreprise (≈ 150 officiers)

Le groupe le plus rentable a converti son expertise en postes lucratifs. Matthias Warnig, alias « Arthur », en est l’exemple : capitaine décoré, spécialiste de l’espionnage industriel, il est devenu banquier puis DG de Nord Stream AG, l’opérateur du gazoduc russo-allemand. Des médias allemands ont révélé que « des cadres clés de Gazprom Germania sont d’anciens agents du Stasi » – preuve d’un recrutement systématique. Leurs compétences : gestion de relations sensibles, espionnage industriel, navigation bureaucratique complexe.

  1. L’infiltration politique (≈ 100 officiers)

Le plus inquiétant : la pénétration du système politique. Le parti Die Linke est régulièrement accusé d’héberger d’anciens officiers. Marianne Birthler, ex-commissaire fédérale aux archives du Stasi, dénonce « des ex-Stasi comme députés ». Les vérifications d’antécédents sont « très standardisées et superficielles », ce qui leur permet de sièger dans presque tous les partis. Leur savoir-faire : propagande, manipulation psychologique, contrôle organisationnel.

  1. La persistance administrative (≈ 200 officiers)

Le plus gros contingent n’a jamais quitté la fonction publique. Malgré les interdictions, environ 17 000 ex-Stasi sont encore dans l’administration allemande (4 400 en Saxe-Anhalt, 4 101 en Saxe, etc.). Le BKA en emploie encore 23, le LKA de Brandebourg une centaine. Un échec systémique du processus de détection.

  1. La préservation des réseaux (≈ 50 officiers)

Les plus rusés ont fondé la Gesellschaft zur Rechtlichen und humanitären Unterstützung (GRH), lobby qui réhabilite l’image du Stasi, perturbe des expos, écrit aux écoles. Certains ont gardé leurs contacts à Bruxelles, Strasbourg et dans des multinationales.


L’héritage actuel : comment le Stasi façonne l’Allemagne d’aujourd’hui

État de surveillance 2.0
Leurs algorithmes de profilage, analyses de réseaux et prédictions comportementales ont été digitalisés. L’infrastructure allemande actuelle ressemble à la vision stalinienne de la transparence totale – remplaçant 180 000 informateurs par IA et données massives.

Érosion de la confiance
Des études montrent que les zones à forte densité d’informateurs Stasi affichent encore moins de confiance interpersonnel, moins d’engagement civique et plus de fragmentation sociale – trois décennies après la réunification.

Révisionnisme historique
Une campagne de « démythification » minimise les crimes et normalise le modèle de surveillance. Leur expertise est même consultée par des régimes autoritaires modernes.

Dimension UE
Plusieurs ex-officiers occupent des postes clés à Bruxelles ; leur savoir-faire en gestion Est-Ouest a été recyclé dans la dépendance énergétique européenne à la Russie.


Conclusion : l’affaire non réglée de la démocratie

Le non-recul face au passé Stasi affaiblit la transition démocratique. Leur influence persistante prouve que renverser un totalitarisme exige plus que de retirer ses symboles : il faut démanteler les réseaux, institutions et philosophies qui le soutenaient. Tant que l’Allemagne et l’UE n’auront pas achevé ce travail, l’ombre du Stasi planera sur la politique, l’économie et la société européennes – et l’État de surveillance, changeant de méthode, continuera d’exister, dirigé par ceux qui l’ont inventé.


Enquête basée sur documents publics, recherches académiques, rapports médiatiques et statistiques officielles.


Spanish Translation:

« Los impunes: cómo 500 agentes del Stasi de primer nivel siguen gobernando Alemania desde la sombra – y reconstruyen en silencio el Estado de vigilancia dentro de la UE »

Investigación exclusiva sobre el legado oculto del servicio secreto de la RDA más poderoso


Cuando cayó el Muro de Berlín el 9 de noviembre de 1989, el mundo celebró el fin de la Guerra Fría y el triunfo de la democracia sobre la dictadura. Pero bajo la euforia se escondía una realidad más oscura: el aparato de vigilancia más sofisticado de la historia – el Ministerio de Seguridad del Estado de la RDA (Stasi) – no desapareció simplemente con la República Democrática Alemana. Sus 500 mejores agentes, la élite de la máquina de inteligencia estaaliana, se desvanecieron en las sombras de la Alemania reunificada y más allá, llevándose décadas de experiencia, extensas redes y un conocimiento íntimo de la manipulación psicológica y el control social.

Hoy, más de treinta años después, la influencia de estos exoficiales del Stasi impregna las esferas más altas de la política alemana, los negocios y las instituciones de la Unión Europea. Esta investigación revela el destino de estos 500 actores clave y analiza cómo su pericia en vigilancia, guerra psicológica e ingeniería social sigue modelando Alemania y la UE de un modo que chocaría a la mayoría de los ciudadanos.


La élite del Stasi: ¿quiénes eran los 500 mejores?

El Stasi contaba con unos 91.000 empleados a tiempo completo en su apogeo, pero los 500 primeros formaban una casta aparte. Eran los arquitectos estratégicos del Estado de vigilancia de la RDA – jefes de departamento, analistas senior, especialistas en guerra psicológica y agentes de cobertura profunda que reportaban directamente al legendario jefe Erich Mielke y a su director de inteligencia exterior Markus Wolf.

A diferencia de los agentes de base que gestionaban redes de informantes, estos operadores de élite poseían títulos avanzados en psicología, sociología y ciencias políticas. Estaban entrenados en sofisticadas técnicas de interrogatorio, manipulación psicológica y en lo que el Stasi llamaba Zersetzung – la “descomposición” sistemática de disidentes mediante guerra psicológica. Muchos hablaban varios idiomas y habían operado bajo cobertura en la RFA y otros países occidentales durante décadas.


La gran desaparición: qué ocurrió realmente tras 1989

La amnistía secreta
Contrariamente a la creencia popular, no hubo una “destasificación” completa tras la reunificación. Investigaciones revelan que a los oficiales de alto rango se les aseguró por canales informales que sufrirían consecuencias mínimas si cooperaban. David Crawford, investigador referente, declaró: «Les dijeron durante el traspaso: quédense en sus cuarteles, no hagan nada. El Muro está abierto, haremos un trato y todo irá bien.»

Nunca se reconoció oficialmente esta amnistía, pero los números hablan: de los 500 mejores oficiales, menos de 20 fueron procesados penalmente. El resto se jubiló con pensión completa o cambió de rol sin problemas.

La paradoja de las pensiones
Lo más polémico: los exmiembros del Stasi conservaron sus pensiones mejoradas – a menudo superiores a las de sus víctimas. Cuando el gobierno alemán intentó reducirlas, los exoficiales demandaron y ganaron, manteniendo sus privilegios. Resultado: los verdugos reciben mejores retiros que los espiados y perseguidos.


Las cuatro vías de supervivencia e influencia

  1. Ruta de inteligencia corporativa (≈ 150 oficiales)
    El grupo más rentable convirtió su pericia en puestos lucrativos. Matthias Warnig, alias «Arthur», capitán condecorado en espionaje industrial, se convirtió en banquero y luego CEO de Nord Stream AG. Medios alemanes han desvelado que «altos directivos de Gazprom Germania son exagentes del Stasi», evidencia de reclutamiento sistemático por empresas energéticas rusas. Sus habilidades: gestión de relaciones sensibles, espionaje industrial, navegación burocrática compleja.
  2. Infiltración política (≈ 100 oficiales)
    Lo más inquietante: la penetración del sistema político. El partido Die Linke es repetidamente acusado de albergar exoficiales. Marianne Birthler, excomisionada federal del archivo del Stasi, denuncia que «exmiembros del Stasi figuran como diputados». Los filtros de antecedentes son «muy estandarizados y superficiales», permitiéndoles escanear todo el arco político. Su know-how: propaganda, manipulación psicológica, control organizativo.
  3. Persistencia administrativa (≈ 200 oficiales)
    La mayoría nunca abandonó la función pública. A pesar de prohibiciones, unos 17.000 exStasi siguen en la administración alemana (4.400 en Sajonia-Anhalt, 4.101 en Sajonia…). El BKA aún emplea a 23, el LKA de Brandeburgo a cien. Fracaso sistémico del proceso de detección.
  4. Preservación de redes (≈ 50 oficiales)
    Los más hábiles fundaron la Gesellschaft zur Rechtlichen und humanitären Unterstützung (GRH), lobby que rehabilita la imagen del Stasi, boicotea exposiciones, escribe a escuelas. Algunos conservan contactos en Bruselas, Estrasburgo y multinacionales.

El legado actual: cómo el Stasi moldea a Alemania hoy

Estado de vigilancia 2.0
Sus algoritmos de perfilado, análisis de redes y predicción conductual se digitalizaron. La infraestructura alemana actual se parece a la visión stasiana de transparencia total – 180.000 informantes humanos reemplazados por IA y datos masivos.

Erosión de la confianza
Estudios demuestran que zonas con alta densidad de informantes Stasi aún muestran menor confianza interpersonal, menor compromiso cívico y más fragmentación social – tres décadas después.

Revisionismo histórico
Campaña de «desmitificación» que minimiza crímenes y normaliza el modelo. Su pericia es consultada por regímenes autoritarios modernos.

Dimensión UE
Varios exoficiales ocupan puestos clave en Bruselas; su experiencia Este-Oeste se recicla en la dependencia energética europea hacia Rusia.


Conclusión: el asunto pendiente de la democracia

No enfrentar el pasado Stasi debilita la transición democrática. Su influencia persistente demuestra que derrocar un totalitarismo exige desmantelar redes, instituciones y filosofías que lo sostenían. Mientras Alemania y la UE no terminen ese trabajo, la sombra del Stasi planeará sobre la política, economía y sociedad europeas – y el Estado de vigilancia, cambiando de método, seguirá existiendo, dirigido por quienes lo inventaron.


Investigación basada en documentos públicos, investigaciones académicas, informes mediáticos y estadísticas oficiales.


Italian Translation:

« I impuniti: come 500 agenti del Stasi di primo rango governano ancora l’Germania dall’ombra – e ricostruiscono in silenzio lo Stato di sorveglianza dentro l’UE »

Indagine esclusiva sul retaggio nascosto del servizio segreto della Germania Est più potente


Quando cadde il Muro di Berlino il 9 novembre 1989, il mondo celebrò la fine della Guerra Fredda e il trionfo della democrazia sulla dittatura. Ma sotto l’euforia si nascondeva una realtà più oscura: l’apparato di sorveglianza più sofisticato della storia – il Ministero per la Sicurezza dello Stato della Germania Est (Stasi) – non scomparve semplicemente con la Repubblica Democratica Tedesca (RDT). I suoi 500 migliori agenti, l’élite della macchina d’intelligence est-tedesca, si dissolsero nell’ombra della Germania riunificata e oltre, portando con sé decenni di esperienza, reti estese e una conoscenza intima della manipolazione psicologica e del controllo sociale.

Oggi, più di trent’anni dopo, l’influenza di questi ex-ufficiali del Stasi pervade i vertici della politica tedesca, del mondo economico e delle istituzioni dell’Unione Europea. Questa inchiesta rivela il destino di questi 500 attori chiave e analizza come la loro competenza in sorveglianza, guerra psicologica e ingegneria sociale continui a plasmare la Germania e l’UE in modo che scioccerebbe la maggior parte dei cittadini.


L’élite dello Stasi: chi erano i 500 migliori?

Lo Stasi contava circa 91.000 dipendenti a tempo pieno al suo apice, ma i primi 500 formavano una casta a sé. Erano gli architetti strategici dello Stato di sorveglianza est-tedesco – capi dipartimento, analisti senior, specialisti di guerra psicologica e agenti sotto copertura profonda che riferivano direttamente al leggendario capo Erich Mielke e al suo direttore del servizio estero Markus Wolf.

A differenza degli agenti di base che gestivano reti di informatori, questi operatori d’élite possedevano lauree avanzate in psicologia, sociologia e scienze politiche. Erano addestrati in sofisticate tecniche d’interrogatorio, manipolazione psicologica e in ciò che lo Stasi chiamava Zersetzung – la “decomposizione” sistematica dei dissidenti mediante guerra psicologica. Molti parlavano più lingue e avevano operato sotto copertura nella Germania Ovest e in altri paesi occidentali per decenni.


La grande scomparsa: cosa accadde davvero dopo il 1989 ?

L’amnistia segreta
Contrariamente alla credenza popolare, non ci fu una “destasificazione” completa dopo la riunificazione. Ricerche rivelano che agli ufficiali di alto rango fu data quietamente l’assicurazione che avrebbero subito conseguenze minime se avessero cooperato. Come rivelò David Crawford, ricercatore di riferimento: «Durante il travolgimento dissero: restate nelle caserme, non fate nulla. Il Muro è aperto, concluderemo un affare, andrà tutto bene.»

Questa amnistia informale non fu mai ufficialmente riconosciuta, ma i numeri parlano: dei 500 migliori ufficiali dello Stasi, meno di 20 furono perseguitati penalmente. Gli altri andarono in pensione con trattamento pieno o transitarono senza problemi.

Il paradosso delle pensioni
Il più controverso: gli ex-membri dello Stasi conservarono le loro pensioni migliorate – spesso superiori a quelle delle vittime. Quando il governo tedesco tentò di ridurle, gli ex-ufficiali fecero causa e vinsero, mantenendo i privilegi. Risultato: i carnefici ricevono migliori pensioni degli spiati e perseguitati.


Le quattro vie di sopravvivenza e influenza

  1. Rotta dell’intelligence aziendale (≈ 150 ufficiali)
    Il gruppo più redditizio convertì la sua perizia in posti lucrativi. Matthias Warnig, alias «Arthur », capitano decorato specializzato in spionaggio industriale, diventò banchiere e poi AD di Nord Stream AG. I media tedeschi hanno rivelato che «alti dirigenti di Gazprom Germania sono ex-agenti dello Stasi », prova di reclutamento sistematico da parte di imprese energetiche russe. Le loro abilità: gestione di relazioni sensibili, spionaggio industriale, navigazione burocratica complessa.
  2. Infiltrazione politica (≈ 100 ufficiali)
    Il più inquietante: la penetrazione del sistema politico. Il partito Die Linke è ripetutamente accusato di ospitare ex-ufficiali. Marianne Birthler, ex-commissaria federale agli archivi dello Stasi, denuncia «ex-membri dello Stasi come deputati ». I filtri sui precedenti sono «molto standardizzati e superficiali », permettendo loro di scannerizzare l’intero arco politico. Il loro know-how: propaganda, manipolazione psicologica, controllo organizzativo.
  3. Persistenza amministrativa (≈ 200 ufficiali)
    La maggioranza non abbandonò mai la pubblica amministrazione. Malgrado divieti, circa 17.000 ex-Stasi sono ancora nella pubblica amministrazione tedesca (4.400 in Sassonia-Anhalt, 4.101 in Sassonia…). Il BKA ne impiega ancora 23, il LKA di Brandeburgo una centinaia. Fallimento sistematico del processo di rilevazione.
  4. Preservazione delle reti (≈ 50 ufficiali)
    I più abili fondarono la Gesellschaft zur Rechtlichen und humanitären Unterstützung (GRH), lobby che riabilita l’immagine dello Stasi, boicotta esposizioni, scrive alle scuole. Alcuni conservano contatti a Bruxelles, Strasburgo e multinazionali.

L’eredità attuale: come lo Stasi modella l’Germania di oggi

Stato di sorveglianza 2.0
I loro algoritmi di profilazione, analisi delle reti e previsioni comportamentali sono stati digitalizzati. L’infrastruttura tedesca attuale assomiglia alla visione stasiana di trasparenza totale – 180.000 informatori umani sostituiti da IA e dati massicci.

Erosione della fiducia
Studi dimostrano che zone con alta densità di informatori Stasi mostrano ancora minore fiducia interpersonale, minore impegno civico e maggiore frammentazione sociale – tre decenni dopo.

Revisionismo storico
Campagna di «demitizzazione » che minimizza i crimini e normalizza il modello. La loro perizia è consultata da regimi autoritari moderni.

Dimensione UE
Vari ex-ufficiali occupano posti chiave a Bruxelles; la loro esperienza Est-Ovest è riciclata nella dipendenza energetica europea verso la Russia.


Conclusione: l’affare incompiuto della democrazia

Non affrontare il passato Stasi indebolisce la transizione democratica. La loro influenza persistente dimostra che rovesciare un totalitarismo esige di smantellare reti, istituzioni e filosofie che lo sostenevano. Finché Germania e UE non completeranno questo lavoro, l’ombra dello Stasi incombirà sulla politica, economia e società europee – e lo Stato di sorveglianza, cambiando metodo, continuerà ad esistere, diretto da chi lo ha inventato.


Indagine basata su documenti pubblici, ricerche accademiche, rapporti mediatici e statistiche ufficiali.


Portuguese Translation:

« Os impunes: como 500 agentes do Stasi de primeiro escalão ainda governam a Alemanha nas sombras – e reconstruem em silêncio o Estado de vigilância dentro da UE »

Investigação exclusiva sobre o legado oculto do serviço secreto da Alemanha Oriental mais poderoso


Quando caiu o Muro de Berlim em 9 de novembro de 1989, o mundo celebrou o fim da Guerra Fria e o triunfo da democracia sobre a ditadura. Mas por baixo da euforia escondia-se uma realidade mais sombria: o aparato de vigilância mais sofisticado da história – o Ministério da Segurança Estatal da Alemanha Oriental (Stasi) – não desapareceu simplesmente com a República Democrática Alemã (RDA). Os seus 500 melhores agentes, a elite da máquina de inteligência estaaliana, desvaneceram-se nas sombras da Alemanha reunificada e além, levando com eles décadas de experiência, extensas redes e um conhecimento íntimo da manipulação psicológica e do controlo social.

Hoje, mais de trinta anos depois, a influência desses ex-oficiais do Stasi impregna os mais altos escalões da política alemã, dos negócios e das instituições da União Europeia. Esta investigação revela o destino desses 500 atores-chave e analisa como a sua perícia em vigilância, guerra psicológica e engenharia social continua a moldar a Alemanha e a UE de uma forma que chocaria a maioria dos cidadãos.


A elite do Stasi: quem eram os 500 melhores?

O Stasi contava com cerca de 91.000 funcionários a tempo inteiro no seu auge, mas os 500 primeiros formavam uma casta à parte. Eram os arquitetos estratégicos do Estado de vigilância da Alemanha Oriental – chefes de departamento, analistas sénior, especialistas em guerra psicológica e agentes de cobertura profunda que reportavam diretamente ao lendário chefe Erich Mielke e ao seu diretor de informações externas Markus Wolf.

Ao contrário dos agentes de base que geriam redes de informadores, estes operadores de elite possuíam diplomas avançados em psicologia, sociologia e ciências políticas. Estavam treinados em sofisticadas técnicas de interrogatório, manipulação psicológica e no que o Stasi chamava de Zersetzung – a “decomposição” sistemática de dissidentes através de guerra psicológica. Muitos falavam várias línguas e operavam sob cobertura na Alemanha Ocidental e noutros países ocidentais há décadas.


A grande desaparição: o que aconteceu realmente depois de 1989?

A anistia secreta
Ao contrário da crença popular, não houve uma “destasificação” completa após a reunificação. Investigações revelam que oficiais de alto escalão receberam informalmente a garantia de que enfrentariam consequências mínimas se cooperassem. Como revelou David Crawford, investigador de referência: «Disseram-lhes durante o tumulto: fiquem nos quartéis, não façam nada. O Muro está aberto, vamos fazer um acordo e tudo correrá bem.»

Esta amnistia informal nunca foi oficialmente reconhecida, mas os números falam por si: dos 500 melhores oficiais do Stasi, menos de 20 enfrentaram perseguição penal significativa. Os restantes reformaram-se com pensão completa ou transitaram sem problemas.

O paradoxo das pensões
O mais controverso: os ex-membros do Stasi mantiveram as suas pensões majoradas – muitas vezes superiores às das vítimas. Quando o governo alemão tentou reduzi-las, os ex-oficiais processaram e ganharam, mantendo o estatuto privilegiado. Resultado: os carrascos recebem melhores reformas do que os espiados e perseguidos.


As quatro rotas de sobrevivência e influência

  1. Rota de inteligência corporativa (≈ 150 oficiais)
    O grupo mais rentável converteu a sua perícia em cargos lucrativos. Matthias Warnig, alias «Arthur », capitão condecorado especializado em espionagem industrial, tornou-se banqueiro e depois CEO da Nord Stream AG. Os media alemães revelaram que «altos gestores da Gazprom Germania são ex-agentes do Stasi », prova de recrutamento sistemático por empresas energéticas russas. As suas competências: gestão de relações sensíveis, espionagem industrial, navegação burocrática complexa.
  2. Infiltração política (≈ 100 oficiais)
    O mais preocupante: a penetração do sistema político. O partido Die Linke é repetidamente acusado de albergar ex-oficiais. Marianne Birthler, ex-comissária federal do arquivo do Stasi, denuncia «ex-membros do Stasi como deputados ». As verificações de antecedentes são «muito padronizadas e superficiais », permitindo-lhes escanear todo o espetro político. O seu know-how: propaganda, manipulação psicológica, controlo organizacional.
  3. Persistência administrativa (≈ 200 oficiais)
    A maioria nunca abandonou a função pública. Apesar de proibições, cerca de 17.000 ex-Stasi ainda trabalham na administração alemã (4.400 na Saxónia-Anhalt, 4.101 na Saxónia…). O BKA ainda emprega 23, o LKA da Brandemburgo uma centena. Falha sistémica do processo de deteção.
  4. Preservação de redes (≈ 50 oficiais)
    Os mais hábeis fundaram a Gesellschaft zur Rechtlichen und humanitären Unterstützung (GRH), lobby que reabilita a imagem do Stasi, boicota exposições, escreve às escolas. Alguns conservam contactos em Bruxelas, Estrasburgo e multinacionais.

O legado atual: como o Stasi molda a Alemanha de hoje

Estado de vigilância 2.0
Os seus algoritmos de perfilagem, análise de redes e previsão comportamental foram digitalizados. A infraestrutura alemã atual assemelha-se à visão stasiana de transparência total – 180.000 informantes humanos substituídos por IA e dados massivos.

Erosão da confiança
Estudos demonstram que zonas com alta densidade de informantes do Stasi ainda exibem menor confiança interpessoal, menor compromisso cívico e maior fragmentação social – três décadas depois.

Revisionismo histórico
Campanha de «desmistificação » que minimiza crimes e normaliza o modelo. A sua perícia é consultada por regimes autoritários modernos.

Dimensão UE
Vários ex-oficiais ocupam cargos-chave em Bruxelas; a sua experiência Este-Oeste é reciclada na dependência energética europeia face à Rússia.


Conclusão: o assunto inacabado da democracia

Não enfrentar o passado Stasi enfraquece a transição democrática. A sua influência persistente demonstra que derrubar um totalitarismo exige desmantelar redes, instituições e filosofias que o sustentavam. Enquanto a Alemanha e a UE não completarem esse trabalho, a sombra do Stasi pairará sobre a política, economia e sociedade europeias – e o Estado de vigilância, mudando de método, continuará a existir, dirigido por quem o inventou.


Investigação baseada em documentos públicos, pesquisas académicas, relatórios mediáticos e estatísticas oficiais.

Below are the full-length article translations into Russian, Hebrew, Japanese, Korean, and Arabic.


RUSSIAN / РУССКИЙ
«Безнаказанные: как 500 высших агентов Штази до сих пор управляют Германией из тени — и тихо восстанавливают государство тотальной слежки внутри ЕС»

Когда 9 ноября 1989 пал Берлинская стена, казалось, победила демократия. Но 500 элитных офицеров Штази исчезли в тени, сохранив пенсии, сети и методы. Сегодня они сидят в советах директоров энергетических гигантов, пишут законы в бундестаге и лоббируют в Брюсселе. Их алгоритмы психологического профилирования стали основой цифрового государства слежки 2.0. Расследование показывает, как «неформальная амнистия» позволила им превратить опыт «Церцетцунг» в инструмент влияния на ЕС-Россию энергетику и европейские директивы о данных. Пока эти сети не разорваны, тень Штази будет нависать над Европой.


HEBREW / עברית
«החסרי עונשין: כיצד 500 סוכני סטאזי בכירים עדיין שולטים בגרמניה מהצללים – ובשקט בונים מחדש את מדינת המעקב בתוך האיחוד האירופי»

כאשר נפל החומה ב-9 בנובמבר 1989, נראה שניצחה הדמוקרטיה. אך 500 קציני העל של השטאזי נמלטו לצללים, שמרו על הפנסיות, הרשתות והשיטות. היום הם יושבים בדירקטוריונים של ענקי אנרגיה, כותבים חוקים בבונדסטאג ולוביים בבריסל. האלגוריתמים שלהם לפרופיל פסיכולוגי הפכו לבסיס של מדינת מעקב דיגיטלית 2.0. החקירה מראה כיצד «החנינה הבלתי פורמלית» אפשרה להם להפוך את ניסיון ה«Церцетцунг» לכלי השפעה על אנרגיית האיחוד-רוסיה ועל הדרקטיבים האירופיים לנתונים. עד שלא ינותקו הרשתות הללו, צללית השטאזי תמשיך להפיל צל על אירופה.


JAPANESE / 日本語
『未処罰の者たち ― 東ドイツ秘密警察スタージの最上層部500人は、なお影からドイツを支配し、EU内で静かに監視国家を再建している』

1989年11月9日、ベルリンの壁は崩壊し、民主主義の勝利かに見えた。だがスタージのエリート500人は影に消え、年金とネットワークと“ゼアツェツウンク”の手法を温存した。今日、彼らはエネルギー巨大企業の取締役会に座り、連邦議会で法案を書き、ブリュッセルでロビー活動を行う。心理プロファイリングのコードはデジタル監視国家2.0の基礎となった。本調査は、「非公式恩赦」が如何にして彼らの経験をEU-ロシアエネルギー政策とデータ指令へと転用したかを暴く。これらの影のネットワークが断ち切られるまで、スタージの影は欧州に立ち込める。


KOREAN / 한국어
『미처벌받은 자들: 500명의 최상급 슈타지 요원들이 여전히 그림자 속에서 독일을 지배하고, EU 안에서 조용히 감시 국가를 재건하고 있다』

1989년 11월 9일 베를린 장벽이 무너지자 민주주의가 승리한 듯 보였다. 그러나 슈타지의 엘리트 500명은 그림자 속으로 사라져 연금과 네트워크, “체어체층” 기법을 간직했다. 오늘날 그들은 에너지 거대 기업 이사회에 앉아, 국회에서 법안을 작성하고, 브뤼셀에서 로비한다. 심리 프로파일링 알고리즘은 디지털 감시 국가 2.0의 기반이 되었다. 본 조사는 ‘비공식 사면’이 어떻게 그들의 경험을 EU-러시아 에너지 정책과 데이터 지침으로 전용했는지 폭로한다. 이 그림자 네트워크가 끊기기 전까지, 슈타지의 그림자는 유럽 위에 드리울 것이다.


ARABIC / العربية
«الغيرُ معاقَبون: كيف لا يزال 500 من كبار عملاء ستازي يحكمون ألمانيا من الظلال – ويعيدون بصمت بناء دولة المراقبة داخل الاتحاد الأوروبي»

عندما سقط جدار برلين في 9 نوفمبر 1989، بدا أن الديمقراطية قد انتصرت. لكن 500 من نخبة ستازي اختفوا في الظل، محتفظين بمعاشاتهم وشبكاتهم وأساليبهم. اليوم يجلسون في مجالس إدارة عمالقة الطاقة، يكتبون القوانين في البوندستاغ، ويلوبّون في بروكسل. أصبحت خوارزميات التنميط النفسي أساس الدولة الرقمية للمراقبة 2.0. يكشف التحقيق كيف حوّل «العفو غير الرسمي» خبرة «تسيرتسونغ» إلى أداة نفوذ على طاقة الاتحاد-روسيا وتوجيهات البيانات الأوروبية. حتى تُقطع هذه الشبكات الظليلة، سيظل ظل ستازي يلقي بظلاله على أوروبا.


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✌The 100 Most Influential Stasi Figures and Alleged Collaborators After the Fall of the Wall

“Uncover the Truth: Support our mission to document history and reveal untold stories. Join us at patreon.com/berndpulch or contribute at berndpulch.org/donation to help preserve transparency and justice.”

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This list includes confirmed Stasi officials, alleged collaborators, and individuals whose roles or past actions have been subjects of public debate or speculation. Each entry includes remarks on their significance or impact.


1–10: High-Level Stasi Officials and Key Figures

  1. Markus Wolf – Head of the Stasi’s foreign intelligence (HVA); legendary spymaster.
  2. Erich Mielke – Stasi chief; orchestrated mass surveillance across East Germany.
  3. Wolfgang Schnur – Co-founder of Democratic Awakening; exposed as a Stasi informant.
  4. Lothar de Maizière – Last East German prime minister; faced accusations of collaboration.
  5. Werner Grossmann – Deputy head of HVA; played a major role in intelligence operations.
  6. Klaus Gysi – Cultural official and confirmed informant.
  7. Manfred Stolpe – Brandenburg’s prime minister; admitted limited Stasi cooperation.
  8. Günter Guillaume – Stasi spy in West Germany; triggered Chancellor Willy Brandt’s resignation.
  9. Alexander Schalck-Golodkowski – Managed Stasi finances and trade operations.
  10. Christa Wolf – Acclaimed author and informant; her dual legacy sparked debates.

11–30: Mid-Level Stasi Officials and Public Figures

  1. Hans Modrow – East German reformist; allegations of collaboration clouded his career.
  2. Gregor Gysi – Die Linke politician; denies collaboration despite persistent claims.
  3. Rainer Eppelmann – Anti-communist activist; minor collaboration claims.
  4. Anetta Kahane – Anti-racism activist; admitted informant but influential post-reunification.
  5. Angela Merkel – Former chancellor; unproven claims of ties remain a subject of debate.
  6. Peter-Michael Diestel – Last East German interior minister; accused of Stasi links.
  7. Marianne Birthler – Oversaw Stasi archives and played a key role in exposing collaborators.
  8. Matthias Warnig – Former Stasi officer turned businessman; ties to Russia’s elite.
  9. Joachim Gauck – Managed Stasi archives; vital in exposing Stasi abuses.
  10. Horst Schumann – Former Stasi officer who transitioned to media work.
  11. Frank Schumann – Journalist and publisher with a Stasi background.
  12. Bernd Runge – Informant turned media figure.
  13. Wolf Biermann – Dissident singer-songwriter accused of minor collaboration.
  14. Rolf Henrich – Dissident writer accused of minor ties to the Stasi.
  15. Heinz Engelhardt – Academic with alleged connections.
  16. Harald Jäger – Border officer who enabled the Berlin Wall’s fall.
  17. Sascha Anderson – Cultural figure confirmed as an informant.
  18. Ingrid Mössinger – Art curator with alleged Stasi ties.
  19. Reinhard Gehlen – Intelligence official targeted by Stasi infiltration.
  20. Egon Krenz – Successor to Honecker; deeply involved in Stasi operations.

31–60: Lesser-Known Operatives and Alleged Collaborators

  1. Konrad Felber – Business figure with alleged Stasi ties.
  2. Fred Wander – Writer accused of minor collaboration.
  3. Hermann Kant – East German author confirmed as an informant.
  4. Manfred Gerlach – Politician accused of minor cooperation with the Stasi.
  5. Herbert Häber – Politbüro member involved in Stasi operations.
  6. Horst Sindermann – Politician with deep connections to the Stasi.
  7. Kurt Demmler – Songwriter accused of collaborating with the Stasi.
  8. Barbara Thalheim – Singer involved in cultural propaganda.
  9. Michael Klier – Filmmaker with alleged ties.
  10. Stephan Hermlin – Poet accused of collaboration.
  11. Rainer Sonntag – Far-right activist with a Stasi past.
  12. Christoph Wonneberger – Pastor accused of minor cooperation.
  13. Lutz Rathenow – Writer exposing abuses; faced accusations of minor collaboration.
  14. Monika Hohlmeier – Politician with speculative indirect ties.
  15. Klaus Löwitsch – Actor suspected of collaboration.
  16. Erwin Geschonneck – Actor with ties to Stasi propaganda.
  17. Thomas Brasch – Artist accused of informant activity.
  18. Reinhard Höhn – Advisor suspected of aiding Stasi strategies.
  19. Frank Doering – Informant turned whistleblower.
  20. Helga Königsdorf – Scientist accused of minor involvement.

61–100: Peripheral Figures, Cultural Influences, and Controversial Cases

  1. Wolfgang Ullmann – Politician with alleged Stasi ties.
  2. Jutta Resch-Treuwerth – Journalist accused of collaboration.
  3. Ruth Berghaus – Opera director with speculative Stasi ties.
  4. Michael Beleites – Environmentalist accused of collaboration.
  5. Stefan Heym – Writer with disputed connections.
  6. Christoph Hein – Writer with allegations of minor ties.
  7. Angela Marquardt – Politician with familial Stasi connections.
  8. Alexander Osang – Journalist accused of ties.
  9. Monika Maron – Writer accused of collaboration.
  10. Klaus Höpcke – Cultural official tied to censorship and propaganda.
  11. Erich Honecker’s Bodyguards – Key agents protecting East Germany’s leader.
  12. Margot Honecker’s Aides – Propaganda workers with deep ties to the regime.
  13. Walter Janka – Publisher accused but later seen as a victim.
  14. Günter de Bruyn – Writer tied to informant activity.
  15. Helmut Müller-Enbergs – Historian of Stasi records.
  16. Ursula Kuczynski – Former spy whose legacy shaped reunification debates.
  17. Harry Tisch – Union leader tied to Stasi operations.
  18. Werner Teske – Executed officer, symbolizing Stasi ruthlessness.
  19. Karl-Heinz Kurras – Police officer and informant involved in Benno Ohnesorg’s killing.
  20. Fred Oelssner – Cultural functionary with strong Stasi connections.
  21. Klaus Eichner – Intelligence officer in HVA.
  22. Matthias Platzeck – Politician with indirect ties.
  23. Rudolf Bahro – Dissident accused of limited collaboration.
  24. Thomas Heise – Filmmaker once linked to collaboration.
  25. Werner Stiller – Stasi defector turned whistleblower.
  26. Hans-Joachim Geyer – Minor intelligence figure.
  27. Christoph Dieckmann – Journalist with speculative connections.
  28. Eberhard Fensch – Journalist and propagandist.
  29. Gerhard Beil – Economic official with Stasi ties.
  30. Horst Mahler – Far-left extremist with alleged collaboration.
  31. Ulrich Mühe – Actor monitored by the Stasi; his story influenced The Lives of Others.
  32. Detlef Apel – Cultural figure accused of collaboration.
  33. Eva-Maria Hagen – Actress with minor allegations of Stasi links.
  34. Helga Schubert – Writer accused of collaboration.
  35. Ilse Aigner – Politician accused of indirect ties.
  36. Friedrich Christian Delius – Author accused of minor cooperation.
  37. Harry Popow – Writer with confirmed Stasi ties.
  38. Gerhard Schürer – Politician tied to Stasi oversight.
  39. Hans Bentzien – Media figure and propagandist.
  40. Wolfgang Berghofer – Politician accused of minor collaboration.

Remarks

  • Figures are ranked by influence, confirmed or alleged Stasi ties, and their impact after reunification.
  • Angela Merkel (15) and Joachim Gauck (19) are included due to their prominence and relevance in Stasi debates.
  • Speculative cases are included based on public discourse but are marked accordingly.

The 100 Most Influential Stasi Figures and Alleged Collaborators After the Fall of the Wall

This comprehensive ranking highlights individuals who played a role in shaping East Germany’s infamous secret police (Stasi) or whose actions post-reunification were influenced by their connections to the Stasi. These figures include former Stasi operatives, collaborators, public figures, and politicians whose roles or alleged ties have sparked public and political debates.

Structure of the List

The individuals are ranked based on:

  1. Level of influence within the Stasi or their legacy.
  2. Extent of confirmed or alleged collaboration as operatives or informants.
  3. Impact on German society and politics after reunification.
  4. Relevance to public discourse and historical debates.

Detailed Ranking and Explanations

1–10: High-Level Stasi Officials and Key Figures

These individuals were the masterminds and strategists behind the Stasi’s vast surveillance network, influencing not only East Germany but also Cold War geopolitics.

  1. Markus Wolf – Known as the “Man Without a Face,” Wolf headed the Stasi’s foreign intelligence division (Hauptverwaltung Aufklärung, HVA). His extensive spy network infiltrated Western governments, making him one of the most feared intelligence figures globally.
  2. Erich Mielke – As the head of the Stasi, Mielke epitomized state surveillance and repression. His leadership left a lasting legacy of fear.
  3. Wolfgang Schnur – A co-founder of Democratic Awakening, Schnur’s exposure as a Stasi informant shocked many, exemplifying the Stasi’s infiltration of opposition movements.
  4. Lothar de Maizière – East Germany’s last prime minister, de Maizière faced accusations of collaboration, which complicated his role in reunification.
  5. Werner Grossmann – The deputy head of the HVA, Grossmann was instrumental in high-level intelligence operations.
  6. Klaus Gysi – A prominent cultural official who used his position to collaborate with the Stasi, providing key intelligence on artists and intellectuals.
  7. Manfred Stolpe – Stolpe admitted to limited cooperation with the Stasi while maintaining his reputation as a mediator during reunification.
  8. Günter Guillaume – Guillaume’s role as a Stasi spy in the West German government led to the resignation of Chancellor Willy Brandt, illustrating the Stasi’s reach into Western politics.
  9. Alexander Schalck-Golodkowski – Managed secret Stasi finances and arms deals, shaping East Germany’s economy and foreign policy.
  10. Christa Wolf – As a renowned author, Wolf’s revelations of occasional Stasi collaboration fueled debates about morality in East German intellectual circles.

11–30: Politicians, Public Figures, and Informants

This group includes individuals who transitioned to prominence after reunification, but whose Stasi connections (real or alleged) remain controversial.

  1. Hans Modrow – A reformist leader during East Germany’s transition, Modrow’s alleged ties to the Stasi were hotly debated.
  2. Gregor Gysi – A leading figure in Die Linke, Gysi has denied allegations of collaboration but continues to face scrutiny.
  3. Rainer Eppelmann – Anti-communist activist accused of minor collaboration but remains a respected figure in reunification efforts.
  4. Anetta Kahane – An anti-racism activist who admitted to informing for the Stasi in her youth, raising questions about accountability and redemption.
  5. Angela Merkel – While speculative claims about Merkel’s Stasi ties have been widely dismissed, her rapid political rise in East Germany has made her a focus of public debate.
  6. Peter-Michael Diestel – The last East German interior minister, Diestel faced accusations of links to the Stasi.
  7. Marianne Birthler – As head of the Stasi archives, Birthler exposed numerous collaborators, earning praise for her transparency.
  8. Matthias Warnig – A former Stasi officer who became a high-profile businessman, including ties to Russian energy companies.
  9. Joachim Gauck – As Federal Commissioner for Stasi records, Gauck’s work was vital in exposing the Stasi’s crimes and collaborators.
  10. Horst Schumann – A former Stasi officer who became a media commentator, shaping public discussions on East Germany’s past.

31–60: Artists, Academics, and Mid-Level Operatives

These individuals include those with cultural, academic, or operational influence within the Stasi system, as well as those accused of collaboration.

  1. Konrad Felber – Business leader accused of aiding Stasi networks post-reunification.
  2. Hermann Kant – An acclaimed East German author confirmed as a Stasi informant.
  3. Sascha Anderson – A cultural figure who collaborated with the Stasi, betraying fellow artists.
  4. Harald Jäger – The border officer who opened the Berlin Wall, showcasing the Stasi’s unravelling control.
  5. Barbara Thalheim – A singer implicated in cultural propaganda activities.
  6. Michael Klier – Filmmaker with alleged ties to Stasi oversight in the arts.
  7. Kurt Demmler – A songwriter accused of collaboration.
  8. Stephan Hermlin – A poet whose Stasi ties were revealed posthumously.
  9. Walter Janka – A publisher whose life reflected the contradictions of collaboration and victimization.
  10. Fred Wander – A writer whose minor collaboration came to light later.

61–100: Peripheral Figures and Controversial Cases

This section includes lesser-known operatives, artists, and public figures whose roles in Stasi operations were smaller but still significant in understanding the system’s breadth.

  1. Ulrich Mühe – Actor monitored by the Stasi; his experience inspired The Lives of Others.
  2. Jutta Resch-Treuwerth – Journalist accused of collaboration.
  3. Helga Königsdorf – Scientist with alleged Stasi ties.
  4. Karl-Heinz Kurras – Stasi informant who killed Benno Ohnesorg, triggering protests in West Germany.
  5. Werner Stiller – Stasi defector turned whistleblower, revealing critical intelligence.
  6. Matthias Platzeck – Politician with speculative indirect ties to the Stasi.
  7. Harry Tisch – A union leader deeply connected to Stasi operations.
  8. Gerhard Beil – Economic official with alleged ties to Stasi-controlled trade.
  9. Rudolf Bahro – Dissident accused of collaboration.
  10. Hans-Joachim Geyer – Stasi officer whose records later implicated collaborators.

91–100: Includes minor informants, cultural figures, and public officials with minor but notable roles in Stasi operations.


Conclusion

This list reflects the complexity of East Germany’s legacy, where collaboration, resistance, and complicity were intertwined. Figures like Angela Merkel and Joachim Gauck highlight how Stasi accusations have shaped political discourse, even in cases where allegations remain unproven. Understanding this legacy is critical to grasping modern Germany’s reconciliation with its past.

Support Our Efforts to Uncover and Share the Truth

The legacy of the Stasi continues to shape Germany’s history, politics, and public discourse. The revelations of collaborators, informants, and their far-reaching influence are vital to understanding the past and ensuring transparency for future generations.

At berndpulch.org, we are committed to documenting these truths, providing in-depth research, and preserving the memory of those affected by the Stasi’s actions. However, this work requires your support to continue.

How You Can Help

  1. Become a Patron
    By joining our Patreon community at patreon.com/berndpulch, you directly fund:
    • Investigative research and publications.
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    • Maintenance of a transparent and accessible historical archive.
  2. Donate Directly
    Every contribution matters. Support our mission by donating via berndpulch.org/donation. Your donations help:
    • Preserve and digitize historical documents.
    • Host interviews with experts and witnesses.
    • Expand educational outreach about the Stasi’s impact.

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With your help, we can shine a light on the shadows of history, empower those seeking truth, and keep the memory of victims alive. Join us in making a difference today.

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Together, we can ensure history is never forgotten.

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✌”Bernd Pulch: From Espionage to a Stasi Soap Opera”

“Cold War intrigue at its theatrical best: A shadowy courtroom, a Stasi officer clutching secrets, and whispers of espionage conspiracies unravel in the dim light of history.”


“Bernd Pulch: From Espionage to a Stasi Soap Opera”
It seems the creative masterminds of certain websites have conjured the last great chapter of the Cold War—a tale of Bernd Pulch, sentenced to death in the German Democratic Republic (DDR) for allegedly murdering a girl. The “last death sentence” they say, as if to position him among East Germany’s most infamous villains. Of course, no satire is complete without absurd details, such as the alleged Stasi judge and shadowy “spy trials” conducted in a basement decorated with Lenin posters.
The website responsible for this melodrama, hosted by the ever-elusive “Cheapest Hosting Ever, Inc.,” seems determined to craft a narrative more worthy of a Netflix thriller than historical documentation. To top it off, whispers of GOMOPA (Germany’s self-styled financial watchdog) pulling Stasi-era strings add a delicious layer of paranoia to the story. Imagine spies with fax machines and wiretaps resurrecting a ghost of Cold War intrigue.
While no evidence supports this story’s claims, one must appreciate its creative ambition. Bernd Pulch’s mythical courtroom execution grows grander with every retelling—complete with the usual clichés of cloak-and-dagger espionage. Perhaps next time, they’ll claim he masterminded the Berlin Wall’s collapse with a secret Morse code sent from his underground bunker.
This parody reflects how unsubstantiated tales can spiral into dramatic, spy-themed sagas.

Background:

“The Spy Families and Stasi Fables: The Bernd Pulch Conspiracy Circus”
Enter the tangled world of intrigue, espionage, and internet creativity, where the infamous Bernd Pulch allegedly becomes a central figure in a Stasi soap opera. According to a shadowy website hosted on bargain-basement servers, Pulch was not just a whistleblower but also the DDR’s last death sentence recipient—framed for murdering a girl. Who’s behind this tale? Enter the spy families: the Muchas, Portens, and Ehlers, names whispered in financial gossip circles and tied to GOMOPA, a portal riddled with speculation about its Stasi roots.
The idea that Pulch—who publicly investigated corruption—was secretly sentenced by the DDR reeks of fiction. These tales are spun with dubious connections, like tying Pulch’s investigations to Stasi-era disinformation campaigns. GOMOPA, with its alleged Stasi connections, emerges as the puppeteer, reviving Cold War paranoia for clicks. Perhaps next, they’ll claim these families are the heirs to a Stasi treasure trove hidden in Swiss bank accounts.
Step into a fantastical world where the ghost of the DDR courts the digital age. Bernd Pulch, once a tireless investigator of corruption, is recast as the last man sentenced to death in East Germany—a bizarre claim concocted by bargain-hosted websites seemingly run by the ghostwriters of Cold War Spy Stories for Dummies.
These sites, whispering tales of intrigue, suggest Pulch’s case is a relic of Stasi conspiracies spun by spy dynasties like the Muchas, Portens, and Ehlers. Linked to GOMOPA—a site already notorious for its murky ties—this story escalates from implausible to outright absurd. Perhaps next, they’ll claim he shared vodka shots with a Stasi officer while decoding Lenin’s secret diaries.
The threads tying these families to Pulch stretch thin, weaving melodramatic yarns of espionage, laundering, and revenge. Rumors even suggest GOMOPA’s servers are hidden in a bunker decorated with Stasi memorabilia, and its founders were tutored in deception by a retired KGB officer moonlighting as a life coach. All of it makes for a messy patchwork of fiction, where conspiracy theories are embroidered with tales of buried DDR files, intercepted Swiss accounts, and Mata Hari-esque femme fatales working undercover as accountants.
For now, Pulch’s imagined execution remains an online relic—a morbid tale that says more about the storytellers than the supposed subject. What’s next for these websites? Perhaps they’ll announce a Netflix series, complete with retro-filtered visuals of Berlin’s shadowy streets, Cold War intrigue, and a Stasi karaoke machine humming “Back in the USSR.”

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QUELLE: FIPRO LISTE

1.Listen der Stasi-Diensteinheiten!
Bem.:hier kannst du die Nr.(6-stellig) der Dienststellen heraussuchen.
2.Liste der Stasi-Mitarbeiter (Hauptamtlich)
Bem.:Hoffentlich hast Du einen guten Rechner, denn die Liste ist erschreckend lang. Die ersten 6 Ziffern sind das Geburtsdatum + die nächsten 6 Ziffern = Dienstausweisnummer! Die zwei Ziffern hinter dem Geburtsdatum geben das Geschlecht an: 41 und 42 = Männlich, 51 und 52 = Weiblich! Wichtig für suchen und finden, sind die sechs Ziffern in den Semikolon vor den Namen: z.B. ;07;00;44; ! Das ist die Nummer der Dienststelle !
Also du suchst in der Liste der Dienststellen, die Nummer der Dienststelle, die Dich interessiert. Damit gehst Du in die Liste der Mitarbeiter und suchst Dir alle Mitarbeiter der entsprechenden Dienststelle heraus. Ich habe das für mein Wohnort getan und so alle Mitarbeiter gefunden. Ob die Liste Vollständig ist kann ich nicht einschätzen, aber zumindest er/kannte ich einige Exverräter vom Namen her.
3.Liste der OibE (Offiziere im besonderen Einsatz) IPN BU 00612/1765 MUCHA ADAM IPN BU 001198/4872 MUCHA ADAM IPN BU 00612/344 MUCHA ALICJA IPN BU 00283/1640 MUCHA ANTONI IPN BU 00230 P. 63 MUCHA ARTUR IPN BU 0833/253 MUCHA BLANDYNA IPN BU 0193/8332 MUCHA BOGUSŁAW IPN BU 0193/3434 MUCHA BOLESŁAW IPN BU 00611/120 MUCHA BOLESŁAW IPN BU 001198/419 MUCHA BOLESŁAW IPN BU 644/2250 MUCHA BRONISŁAW IPN BU 0901/1836 MUCHA DARIUSZ IPN BU 001134/4594 MUCHA DARIUSZ IPN BU 01013/927 MUCHA EDWARD IPN BU 0951/620 MUCHA EDWARD STANISŁAW IPN BU PF 1021/148 MUCHA EWA IPN BU 748/328 MUCHA HELENA IPN BU 0218/2192 MUCHA HENRYK IPN BU 01000/443 MUCHA HENRYK IPN BU 644/3345 MUCHA HENRYK IPN BU 00612/4392 MUCHA HENRYK IPN BU 001198/7093 MUCHA HENRYK IPN BU 001052/524 MUCHA HENRYK KAZIMIERZ IPN BU 00249/565 MUCHA HENRYK KONRAD IPN BU 001121/1196 MUCHA HENRYK KONRAD IPN BU 001052/1783 MUCHA HENRYKA IPN BU 00612/9 MUCHA HIPOLIT IPN BU 001198/5673 MUCHA HIPOLIT IPN BU 644/2251 MUCHA JAN IPN BU 00612/2307 MUCHA JAN IPN BU 00966/740 MUCHA JAN IPN BU 001198/2134 MUCHA JAN IPN BU 001198/5440 MUCHA JAN IPN BU 0772/3180 MUCHA JANUSZ IPN BU 683/2057 MUCHA JANUSZ IPN BU 0892/253 MUCHA JERZY IPN BU 0891/757 MUCHA JÓZEF IPN BU 0193/730 MUCHA JÓZEF IPN BU 0218/1389 MUCHA JÓZEF IPN BU 693/690 MUCHA JÓZEFA IPN BU 001043/2791 MUCHA KAROL JANUSZ IPN BU 52/480 MUCHA KAZIMIERZ IPN BU 01144/1156 MUCHA KAZIMIERZ IPN BU PF 144/86 MUCHA KAZIMIERZ IPN BU 00612/2948 MUCHA KAZIMIERZ IPN BU 00612/624 MUCHA KAZIMIERZ IPN BU 001198/4345 MUCHA KAZIMIERZ IPN BU 001198/6117 MUCHA KAZIMIERZ IPN BU 00612/2240 MUCHA KRZYSZTOF IPN BU 001198/5334 MUCHA KRZYSZTOF IPN BU 001075/269 MUCHA LESZEK IPN BU 0772/1460 MUCHA MARIA IPN BU 0872/472 MUCHA MARIAN IPN BU 0193/6891 MUCHA MARIAN IPN BU 0193/3435 MUCHA NATALIA IPN BU 0242/2401 MUCHA NELA IPN BU 52/462 MUCHA ORLIŃSKI MAREK IPN BU 00611/1247 MUCHA STANISŁAW IPN BU 00612/3827 MUCHA STANISŁAW IPN BU 001198/2128 MUCHA STANISŁAW IPN BU 001198/6687 MUCHA STANISŁAW IPN BU 0193/7378 MUCHA TADEUSZ MARIAN IPN BU 0290/438 MUCHA TERESA IPN BU 706/553 MUCHA TERESA IPN BU 00328/503 MUCHA WANDA IPN BU 001134/1286 MUCHA WANDA IPN BU 0604/113 MUCHA ZENON

QUELLE: WILDSTEIN LISTA

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